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Culture","link":"/arts","type":"title"},{"name":"Critics’ Picks","link":"/thedolist"},{"name":"Cultural Commentary","link":"/artscommentary"},{"name":"Food & Drink","link":"/food"},{"name":"Bay Area Hip-Hop","link":"/bayareahiphop"},{"name":"Rebel Girls","link":"/rebelgirls"},{"name":"Arts Video","link":"/artsvideos"}]},{"key":"menu3","items":[{"name":"Podcasts","link":"/podcasts","type":"title"},{"name":"Bay Curious","link":"/podcasts/baycurious"},{"name":"Rightnowish","link":"/podcasts/rightnowish"},{"name":"The Bay","link":"/podcasts/thebay"},{"name":"On Our Watch","link":"/podcasts/onourwatch"},{"name":"Mindshift","link":"/podcasts/mindshift"},{"name":"Consider This","link":"/podcasts/considerthis"},{"name":"Political Breakdown","link":"/podcasts/politicalbreakdown"}]},{"key":"menu4","items":[{"name":"Live Radio","link":"/radio","type":"title"},{"name":"TV","link":"/tv","type":"title"},{"name":"Events","link":"/events","type":"title"},{"name":"For Educators","link":"/education","type":"title"},{"name":"Support KQED","link":"/support","type":"title"},{"name":"About","link":"/about","type":"title"},{"name":"Help Center","link":"https://kqed-helpcenter.kqed.org/s","type":"title"}]}]},"pagesReducer":{},"postsReducer":{"stream_live":{"type":"live","id":"stream_live","audioUrl":"https://streams.kqed.org/kqedradio","title":"Live Stream","excerpt":"Live Stream information currently unavailable.","link":"/radio","featImg":"","label":{"name":"KQED Live","link":"/"}},"stream_kqedNewscast":{"type":"posts","id":"stream_kqedNewscast","audioUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/newscast.mp3?_=1","title":"KQED Newscast","featImg":"","label":{"name":"88.5 FM","link":"/"}},"news_11994015":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11994015","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11994015","score":null,"sort":[1721070058000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"is-a-california-prison-union-losing-ground-in-the-face-of-changing-prison-dynamics","title":"Is a California Prison Union Losing Ground in the Face of Changing Prison Dynamics?","publishDate":1721070058,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Is a California Prison Union Losing Ground in the Face of Changing Prison Dynamics? | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>A year after he took the top job in 2019, the president of one of California’s largest and most powerful unions \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article246020620.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">said in a newsletter\u003c/a> that he wanted to be “the 800-pound gorilla” in Sacramento politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the union known as CCPOA representing 26,000 state prison guards, has spent and spent in a way it never did before. Its biggest recipient is Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, who has taken $2.9 million from the union since he was elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s 31% of all political spending by the union since 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, under \u003ca href=\"http://www.ccpoa.org/\">President Glen Stailey,\u003c/a> gave $1.75 million to Newsom’s anti-recall campaign in 2021 — the largest single contribution to that effort — and another $1 million to support Proposition 1, Newsom’s treatment and housing plan for people experiencing serious mental illness, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/03/election-result-proposition-1/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">passed by the narrowest of margins this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a noted contrast to the union’s relationship with the three governors who preceded Newsom, especially former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Prison-guards-union-chief-in-leadership-fight-3195334.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">who fought the union’s proposed raises \u003c/a>and was the target of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2008/10/17/guards-give-up-effort-to-recall-gov-arnold-schwarzenegger/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">aborted recall campaign\u003c/a> launched by the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.datawrapper.de/_/r3OSp/\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the Newsom administration, the prison union’s biggest political expense came in 2005, when it joined other labor organizations in fighting a package of ballot measures sponsored by Schwarzenegger that would have curbed state spending and weakened public employee unions. The unions won, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-09-me-election9-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">dealing Schwarzenegger a major defeat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the union largely stayed out of political fights during former Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration. It avoided the ballot measures that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">lowered criminal sentences\u003c/a> for nonviolent crimes and gave inmates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11081078/gov-brown-sees-prop-57-as-key-to-ending-court-prison-oversight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">more opportunities for parole\u003c/a> — propositions that voters passed and that contributed to declining headcounts in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Newsom took office, and the union’s pocketbook opened wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two ways to look at that spending, according to interviews with legislators, labor leaders, former prison officials and budget watchdogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one, it’s a naked display of power: one of the richest unions in a labor-friendly state reminding its top politicians that it can spend with them — or against them. That’s primarily the view from outside the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the other view, from inside the Capitol, it’s a reflection of the union’s anxiety in the face of waning influence as California’s future almost certainly includes fewer prisons and fewer union-represented prison guards to staff them. The numbers don’t lie: \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/realignment-incarceration-and-crime-trends-in-california/#:~:text=In%20September%202011%2C%20the%20month,355%20inmates%20per%20100%2C000%20residents).\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">California is housing 70,000 fewer inmates\u003c/a> in state prisons than it did in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the outset of his first term, Newsom floated the idea of closing a single-state prison. He’s since closed three and canceled a contract on another private prison, collectively saving hundreds of millions of dollars. However, facing a budget deficit and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2024/01/Fall-2023-Population-Projections-Publication.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">4,000 fewer inmates\u003c/a> projected to be in prison by the end of his term in 2026, Newsom demurred this year from shutting down another institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a year of budget scarcity, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">each inmate costs about $132,000\u003c/a> to house annually and the Legislative Analyst’s Office has said the state has space to close five more prisons, Newsom has been stubborn about keeping prisons open. He has said he wants to keep some additional capacity in the system and that he wants to build up \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/17/san-quentin-transformation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">rehabilitative programs\u003c/a> that can help inmates reintegrate into society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Izzy Gardon, a spokesperson for Newsom, in a written statement said that the governor has tried to balance potential budget savings with public safety needs inside prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Saving taxpayers billions of dollars without impacting public safety, Gov. Newsom has closed more prisons than any of his predecessors,” he wrote. “The governor’s decisions have been based exclusively on meeting the evolving needs of our criminal justice system in a manner that maximizes public safety and the judicious use of taxpayer dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Ballard, an adviser to the union and a longtime Newsom ally, said in written responses to questions from CalMatters that the union and the governor had “respectful and substantive” discussions about potential prison closures this budget cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Union leaders clearly aired their views and listened very carefully to the administration’s priorities,” Ballard said. “The governor made it known that he valued the union’s input. Ultimately, Gov. Newsom’s process is his own, and it would be irresponsible to speculate about how he arrives at any particular decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The millions of dollars the union shoveled into Newsom’s most significant projects were a reflection of the union’s priorities, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the union and the governor are in alignment policy-wise, as they were during Proposition 1, the CCPOA does not hesitate to fight hard for the governor’s initiatives,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even while grappling with policy areas where they are less aligned, there is a strong commitment to finding areas of agreement and progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>CCPOA’s big contracts in Newsom years\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Spending lots of money to support the most powerful executive in the state is perhaps not surprising. So what happens to the politicians who cross the prison guard union?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the union wanted to get rid of John Moorlach, a Republican state senator who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article146516764.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">questioning pension benefits\u003c/a> for California public employees, it spent more than $1 million against him in his Orange County race. Then, the flyers started popping up, sponsored by the union, tying the Never Trumper senator to the policies and personal predilections of Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was cartoonish,” said Lance Christensen, Moorloch’s campaign manager in that 2020 race. “You would think that the public safety unions whose job it is to serve and defend and protect Californians would want a guy like John Moorlach, who was law and order and supportive generally of public safety programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11994026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11994026\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a business suit sits down with a name marker in front of him with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1300\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1536x998.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1920x1248.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. John Moorlach poses a question to State Auditor Elaine Howle during a Joint Committee on Legislative Audit hearing on workers’ compensation on January 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The prison guard union has spent $3.8 million across 32 state legislative races in this century — $1.2 million of that was spent to defeat Moorlach. He lost to Democrat Dave Min, 51%–49%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They decided that it was time to go hammer and tong after him and take him out,” Christensen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, which represents about 10% of all state workers, has undoubtedly gotten good deals for its members, arguably none more so than last year, when it negotiated \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/labor-relations/Documents/Summary%20of%20Agreement%20with%20Unit%206%20July%203,%202023%20through%20July%202,%202025.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">a $1 billion raise\u003c/a> over three years. Correctional officers also got a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/08/ccpoa-contract-2023-california-prisons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">new state-funded retirement perk\u003c/a> out of the deal, in addition to their California Public Employees’ Retirement System pensions. And when the state mandated COVID-19 vaccinations for state employees, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/08/ccpoa-contract-2023-california-prisons/\">prison guards were permitted to skip them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spending has consistently come under fire from the Legislative Analyst’s Office, which found in 2019 and 2021 that the Newsom administration offered \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4078\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">“no evidence to justify (a) pay increase”\u003c/a> in an unusually harsh analysis of proposed prison guard raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis found that California prison guards have neither a recruitment nor a retention problem and that their salaries were already in line with the salaries in the counties where they work — if not more than 5% higher than comparable job classifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4800\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">excoriated Newsom’s administration\u003c/a> for repeatedly refusing to make public a 2018 compensation study on prison guard salaries and benefits. The administration regularly publishes compensation studies regarding its \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/salary-surveys-main.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">18 other employee bargaining units\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the administration provided a 2022 compensation study, which the Legislative Analyst’s Office called “flawed” for its failure to account for overtime pay and its selection of large, metropolitan counties as pay comparison points rather than the rural areas where most prison guards work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The study is flawed to the point that it is not helpful in meeting its stated objective and we recommend policymakers not use it to assess whether the state’s compensation package for correctional officers is appropriate to attract and retain qualified workers,” according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those raises, said Brian Kaneda, deputy director for Californians United for a Responsible Budget, put the state’s budget crisis in sharper relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The CCPOA has a stranglehold on Sacramento politics,” Kaneda said. “Everyone’s struggling right now, but prison guards are getting a $1 billion raise. Explain how this could possibly be the right move for California as we tussle with this historic budget deficit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to gauge the union’s influence in Sacramento and the diverging views on its power, Ballard said union leadership concentrates on its members more than its lobby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The union’s leaders are focused on matters of character, not reputation,” he said. “The CCPOA’s leaders are street-smart correctional officers who have worked in very tough conditions for decades, and as a group, they are not terribly concerned with perceived status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is CCPOA a factor in Newsom’s prison closures?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom began identifying prisons to close in 2020. More followed in 2022. Then, Newsom stopped naming additional prisons to close even though they have thousands of empty beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What changed? For one, people’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/solid-majorities-of-californians-view-crime-as-a-problem/\">perception of crime\u003c/a> spiked in the pandemic — though the kind of crimes that would merit prison time mostly went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a governor who perhaps has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/07/gavin-newsom-for-president-assets-liabilities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">ambitions beyond Sacramento\u003c/a>, that’s important, said one Democratic legislator who did not want their name used for fear of retaliation by both the governor’s office and the prison guard union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the CCPOA is the reason we’ve stalled on prison closures,” the legislator said. “I think it’s the governor himself or someone in the governor’s office protecting (the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My presumption is the governor is moderating his views on public safety because of where he wants to go nationally. And so he’s super careful about any perception of being soft on crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11994027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11994027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg\" alt='A white man wearing a business suit stand in front of a podium and microphone with a sign that reads \"San Quentin Rehabilitation Center.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks at San Quentin State Prison, announcing that the facility will be transformed to focus on training and rehabilitation on March 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its heyday during the prison building boom of the 1990s and 2000s, the prison guard union would never have had to account for such calculations, former Corrections Secretary Matt Cate said. Back then, both parties had incentives to make nice with the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time, the Democrats were more moderate than they are now, and they were doing everything to support labor generally,” said Cate, who was appointed corrections secretary in 2008 by Schwarzenegger and stayed for two years under Brown, leaving the office in 2011. “Meanwhile, Republicans were staunchly in favor of law enforcement and long sentences because they didn’t believe in rehabilitation and reentry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So CCPOA had an open field. It was just a much easier job than what the CCPOA faces today. It’s not as easy today to be an 800-pound gorilla as it would have been 20 years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cate doubts the union is the sole reason, or even the main reason, that Newsom stopped designating prisons for closure. Closing a prison is like closing “a small city,” Cate said, with 3,000 inmates and 800–1,000 employees represented by a dozen or more different unions. The \u003ca href=\"https://cchcs.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">prison system’s health care\u003c/a> is managed by a federal monitor, and another federal monitor oversees \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/dhcs/smhp-coleman/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">the state’s prison mental health care.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.datawrapper.de/_/vMFSK/\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Taking on a Democrat and losing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One legislator who crossed the prison union and whose career survived was Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer, a Los Angeles Democrat, who said the sharp-elbowed tactics employed by the union under Stailey, its president, were reflective of the union’s approach in the 1990s, a time when the union’s power was at its height.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they sneezed,” he said, “people got a cold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Jones-Sawyer fell into their crosshairs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article245822830.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">literally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union ran an online ad against Jones-Sawyer that showed Stailey \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article245822830.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">pointing at a wall of photos\u003c/a> of legislators. Over Jones-Sawyer’s photo was a piece of white paper with crosshairs and a red dot. Jones-Sawyer \u003ca href=\"https://a57.asmdc.org/video/20200918-jones-sawyer-calls-investigation-ccpoa-advertisement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">took that as a threat\u003c/a>, and the union pledged to pull the ad down and re-edit it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It became clear that if they wanted to get back the power, they needed to take somebody out to put the fear into everybody,” said Jones-Sawyer, who won reelection that year. “They thought I was an easy target to take out. They learned that was not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer notes that the union didn’t spend much under former Gov. Brown — not until the threat of prison closures became a reality after Newsom’s election in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they started talking about closing prisons, that’s when the fear from the CCPOA came up,” Jones-Sawyer said. “That’s when they started writing double max-out checks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer said he’s frustrated by what he sees as abuses within the prison system, especially guards with multiple infractions keeping their jobs. The Office of the Inspector General earlier this year found that the corrections department had \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/OIG-Special-Review-No-SR-23-01.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">reclassified a backlog of staff misconduct complaints\u003c/a> as “routine grievances” and allowed the statute of limitations to expire in 127 complaints between 2022 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Jones-Sawyer said, he’s considering calling for an audit of the prison system’s facilities and spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When (the corrections department) comes back and says this is the best way to do it, we try to see their logic and a lot of times we don’t,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Are those hard-charging tactics isolating the prison union? One bill introduced this year may be an indication. The bill would limit the number of \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2178?slug=CA_202320240AB2178\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">empty beds available in the prison system \u003c/a>to account for the declining inmate population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the bill’s registered supporters are immigration advocates, the California Public Defenders Association and anti-incarceration lobbies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was just one group registered in opposition: the CCPOA.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The California Correctional Peace Officers Association faces a complicated political environment as inmate populations decline and calls to close prisons increase.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1721074562,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"iframeSrcs":["https://www.datawrapper.de/_/r3OSp/","https://www.datawrapper.de/_/vMFSK/"],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":61,"wordCount":2480},"headData":{"title":"Is a California Prison Union Losing Ground in the Face of Changing Prison Dynamics? | KQED","description":"The California Correctional Peace Officers Association faces a complicated political environment as inmate populations decline and calls to close prisons increase.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Is a California Prison Union Losing Ground in the Face of Changing Prison Dynamics?","datePublished":"2024-07-15T12:00:58-07:00","dateModified":"2024-07-15T13:16:02-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Nigel Duara and Jeremia Kimelman, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11994015","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11994015/is-a-california-prison-union-losing-ground-in-the-face-of-changing-prison-dynamics","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A year after he took the top job in 2019, the president of one of California’s largest and most powerful unions \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article246020620.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">said in a newsletter\u003c/a> that he wanted to be “the 800-pound gorilla” in Sacramento politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the union known as CCPOA representing 26,000 state prison guards, has spent and spent in a way it never did before. Its biggest recipient is Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, who has taken $2.9 million from the union since he was elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s 31% of all political spending by the union since 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, under \u003ca href=\"http://www.ccpoa.org/\">President Glen Stailey,\u003c/a> gave $1.75 million to Newsom’s anti-recall campaign in 2021 — the largest single contribution to that effort — and another $1 million to support Proposition 1, Newsom’s treatment and housing plan for people experiencing serious mental illness, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/03/election-result-proposition-1/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">passed by the narrowest of margins this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a noted contrast to the union’s relationship with the three governors who preceded Newsom, especially former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Prison-guards-union-chief-in-leadership-fight-3195334.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">who fought the union’s proposed raises \u003c/a>and was the target of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2008/10/17/guards-give-up-effort-to-recall-gov-arnold-schwarzenegger/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">aborted recall campaign\u003c/a> launched by the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.datawrapper.de/_/r3OSp/\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the Newsom administration, the prison union’s biggest political expense came in 2005, when it joined other labor organizations in fighting a package of ballot measures sponsored by Schwarzenegger that would have curbed state spending and weakened public employee unions. The unions won, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-nov-09-me-election9-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">dealing Schwarzenegger a major defeat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaign finance records show the union largely stayed out of political fights during former Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration. It avoided the ballot measures that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">lowered criminal sentences\u003c/a> for nonviolent crimes and gave inmates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11081078/gov-brown-sees-prop-57-as-key-to-ending-court-prison-oversight\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">more opportunities for parole\u003c/a> — propositions that voters passed and that contributed to declining headcounts in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Newsom took office, and the union’s pocketbook opened wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two ways to look at that spending, according to interviews with legislators, labor leaders, former prison officials and budget watchdogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one, it’s a naked display of power: one of the richest unions in a labor-friendly state reminding its top politicians that it can spend with them — or against them. That’s primarily the view from outside the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the other view, from inside the Capitol, it’s a reflection of the union’s anxiety in the face of waning influence as California’s future almost certainly includes fewer prisons and fewer union-represented prison guards to staff them. The numbers don’t lie: \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/realignment-incarceration-and-crime-trends-in-california/#:~:text=In%20September%202011%2C%20the%20month,355%20inmates%20per%20100%2C000%20residents).\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">California is housing 70,000 fewer inmates\u003c/a> in state prisons than it did in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the outset of his first term, Newsom floated the idea of closing a single-state prison. He’s since closed three and canceled a contract on another private prison, collectively saving hundreds of millions of dollars. However, facing a budget deficit and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2024/01/Fall-2023-Population-Projections-Publication.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">4,000 fewer inmates\u003c/a> projected to be in prison by the end of his term in 2026, Newsom demurred this year from shutting down another institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a year of budget scarcity, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">each inmate costs about $132,000\u003c/a> to house annually and the Legislative Analyst’s Office has said the state has space to close five more prisons, Newsom has been stubborn about keeping prisons open. He has said he wants to keep some additional capacity in the system and that he wants to build up \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/17/san-quentin-transformation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">rehabilitative programs\u003c/a> that can help inmates reintegrate into society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Izzy Gardon, a spokesperson for Newsom, in a written statement said that the governor has tried to balance potential budget savings with public safety needs inside prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Saving taxpayers billions of dollars without impacting public safety, Gov. Newsom has closed more prisons than any of his predecessors,” he wrote. “The governor’s decisions have been based exclusively on meeting the evolving needs of our criminal justice system in a manner that maximizes public safety and the judicious use of taxpayer dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Ballard, an adviser to the union and a longtime Newsom ally, said in written responses to questions from CalMatters that the union and the governor had “respectful and substantive” discussions about potential prison closures this budget cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Union leaders clearly aired their views and listened very carefully to the administration’s priorities,” Ballard said. “The governor made it known that he valued the union’s input. Ultimately, Gov. Newsom’s process is his own, and it would be irresponsible to speculate about how he arrives at any particular decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The millions of dollars the union shoveled into Newsom’s most significant projects were a reflection of the union’s priorities, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the union and the governor are in alignment policy-wise, as they were during Proposition 1, the CCPOA does not hesitate to fight hard for the governor’s initiatives,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even while grappling with policy areas where they are less aligned, there is a strong commitment to finding areas of agreement and progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>CCPOA’s big contracts in Newsom years\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Spending lots of money to support the most powerful executive in the state is perhaps not surprising. So what happens to the politicians who cross the prison guard union?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the union wanted to get rid of John Moorlach, a Republican state senator who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article146516764.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">questioning pension benefits\u003c/a> for California public employees, it spent more than $1 million against him in his Orange County race. Then, the flyers started popping up, sponsored by the union, tying the Never Trumper senator to the policies and personal predilections of Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was cartoonish,” said Lance Christensen, Moorloch’s campaign manager in that 2020 race. “You would think that the public safety unions whose job it is to serve and defend and protect Californians would want a guy like John Moorlach, who was law and order and supportive generally of public safety programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11994026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11994026\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a business suit sits down with a name marker in front of him with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1300\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1020x663.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1536x998.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010720_WorkersCompAudit_AW_CM_17-1920x1248.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. John Moorlach poses a question to State Auditor Elaine Howle during a Joint Committee on Legislative Audit hearing on workers’ compensation on January 7, 2020. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The prison guard union has spent $3.8 million across 32 state legislative races in this century — $1.2 million of that was spent to defeat Moorlach. He lost to Democrat Dave Min, 51%–49%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They decided that it was time to go hammer and tong after him and take him out,” Christensen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union, which represents about 10% of all state workers, has undoubtedly gotten good deals for its members, arguably none more so than last year, when it negotiated \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/labor-relations/Documents/Summary%20of%20Agreement%20with%20Unit%206%20July%203,%202023%20through%20July%202,%202025.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">a $1 billion raise\u003c/a> over three years. Correctional officers also got a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/08/ccpoa-contract-2023-california-prisons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">new state-funded retirement perk\u003c/a> out of the deal, in addition to their California Public Employees’ Retirement System pensions. And when the state mandated COVID-19 vaccinations for state employees, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/08/ccpoa-contract-2023-california-prisons/\">prison guards were permitted to skip them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spending has consistently come under fire from the Legislative Analyst’s Office, which found in 2019 and 2021 that the Newsom administration offered \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4078\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">“no evidence to justify (a) pay increase”\u003c/a> in an unusually harsh analysis of proposed prison guard raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis found that California prison guards have neither a recruitment nor a retention problem and that their salaries were already in line with the salaries in the counties where they work — if not more than 5% higher than comparable job classifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4800\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">excoriated Newsom’s administration\u003c/a> for repeatedly refusing to make public a 2018 compensation study on prison guard salaries and benefits. The administration regularly publishes compensation studies regarding its \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/salary-surveys-main.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">18 other employee bargaining units\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the administration provided a 2022 compensation study, which the Legislative Analyst’s Office called “flawed” for its failure to account for overtime pay and its selection of large, metropolitan counties as pay comparison points rather than the rural areas where most prison guards work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The study is flawed to the point that it is not helpful in meeting its stated objective and we recommend policymakers not use it to assess whether the state’s compensation package for correctional officers is appropriate to attract and retain qualified workers,” according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those raises, said Brian Kaneda, deputy director for Californians United for a Responsible Budget, put the state’s budget crisis in sharper relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The CCPOA has a stranglehold on Sacramento politics,” Kaneda said. “Everyone’s struggling right now, but prison guards are getting a $1 billion raise. Explain how this could possibly be the right move for California as we tussle with this historic budget deficit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to gauge the union’s influence in Sacramento and the diverging views on its power, Ballard said union leadership concentrates on its members more than its lobby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The union’s leaders are focused on matters of character, not reputation,” he said. “The CCPOA’s leaders are street-smart correctional officers who have worked in very tough conditions for decades, and as a group, they are not terribly concerned with perceived status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is CCPOA a factor in Newsom’s prison closures?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom began identifying prisons to close in 2020. More followed in 2022. Then, Newsom stopped naming additional prisons to close even though they have thousands of empty beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What changed? For one, people’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/solid-majorities-of-californians-view-crime-as-a-problem/\">perception of crime\u003c/a> spiked in the pandemic — though the kind of crimes that would merit prison time mostly went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a governor who perhaps has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/07/gavin-newsom-for-president-assets-liabilities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">ambitions beyond Sacramento\u003c/a>, that’s important, said one Democratic legislator who did not want their name used for fear of retaliation by both the governor’s office and the prison guard union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the CCPOA is the reason we’ve stalled on prison closures,” the legislator said. “I think it’s the governor himself or someone in the governor’s office protecting (the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My presumption is the governor is moderating his views on public safety because of where he wants to go nationally. And so he’s super careful about any perception of being soft on crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11994027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11994027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg\" alt='A white man wearing a business suit stand in front of a podium and microphone with a sign that reads \"San Quentin Rehabilitation Center.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/031723-SAN-QUENTIN-REHABILITATION-CENTER-MHN-CM-37-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks at San Quentin State Prison, announcing that the facility will be transformed to focus on training and rehabilitation on March 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its heyday during the prison building boom of the 1990s and 2000s, the prison guard union would never have had to account for such calculations, former Corrections Secretary Matt Cate said. Back then, both parties had incentives to make nice with the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time, the Democrats were more moderate than they are now, and they were doing everything to support labor generally,” said Cate, who was appointed corrections secretary in 2008 by Schwarzenegger and stayed for two years under Brown, leaving the office in 2011. “Meanwhile, Republicans were staunchly in favor of law enforcement and long sentences because they didn’t believe in rehabilitation and reentry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So CCPOA had an open field. It was just a much easier job than what the CCPOA faces today. It’s not as easy today to be an 800-pound gorilla as it would have been 20 years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cate doubts the union is the sole reason, or even the main reason, that Newsom stopped designating prisons for closure. Closing a prison is like closing “a small city,” Cate said, with 3,000 inmates and 800–1,000 employees represented by a dozen or more different unions. The \u003ca href=\"https://cchcs.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">prison system’s health care\u003c/a> is managed by a federal monitor, and another federal monitor oversees \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/dhcs/smhp-coleman/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">the state’s prison mental health care.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.datawrapper.de/_/vMFSK/\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Taking on a Democrat and losing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One legislator who crossed the prison union and whose career survived was Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer, a Los Angeles Democrat, who said the sharp-elbowed tactics employed by the union under Stailey, its president, were reflective of the union’s approach in the 1990s, a time when the union’s power was at its height.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they sneezed,” he said, “people got a cold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Jones-Sawyer fell into their crosshairs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article245822830.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">literally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union ran an online ad against Jones-Sawyer that showed Stailey \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article245822830.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">pointing at a wall of photos\u003c/a> of legislators. Over Jones-Sawyer’s photo was a piece of white paper with crosshairs and a red dot. Jones-Sawyer \u003ca href=\"https://a57.asmdc.org/video/20200918-jones-sawyer-calls-investigation-ccpoa-advertisement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">took that as a threat\u003c/a>, and the union pledged to pull the ad down and re-edit it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It became clear that if they wanted to get back the power, they needed to take somebody out to put the fear into everybody,” said Jones-Sawyer, who won reelection that year. “They thought I was an easy target to take out. They learned that was not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer notes that the union didn’t spend much under former Gov. Brown — not until the threat of prison closures became a reality after Newsom’s election in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they started talking about closing prisons, that’s when the fear from the CCPOA came up,” Jones-Sawyer said. “That’s when they started writing double max-out checks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer said he’s frustrated by what he sees as abuses within the prison system, especially guards with multiple infractions keeping their jobs. The Office of the Inspector General earlier this year found that the corrections department had \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/OIG-Special-Review-No-SR-23-01.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">reclassified a backlog of staff misconduct complaints\u003c/a> as “routine grievances” and allowed the statute of limitations to expire in 127 complaints between 2022 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Jones-Sawyer said, he’s considering calling for an audit of the prison system’s facilities and spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When (the corrections department) comes back and says this is the best way to do it, we try to see their logic and a lot of times we don’t,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Are those hard-charging tactics isolating the prison union? One bill introduced this year may be an indication. The bill would limit the number of \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2178?slug=CA_202320240AB2178\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">empty beds available in the prison system \u003c/a>to account for the declining inmate population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the bill’s registered supporters are immigration advocates, the California Public Defenders Association and anti-incarceration lobbies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was just one group registered in opposition: the CCPOA.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11994015/is-a-california-prison-union-losing-ground-in-the-face-of-changing-prison-dynamics","authors":["byline_news_11994015"],"categories":["news_34167","news_8"],"tags":["news_26658","news_616","news_118","news_1305","news_2659"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11994028","label":"news_18481"},"news_11993616":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11993616","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11993616","score":null,"sort":[1720724436000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-health-care-providers-tackle-homelessness-crisis-with-new-state-funds","title":"California Health Care Providers Tackle Homelessness Crisis With New State Funds","publishDate":1720724436,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Health Care Providers Tackle Homelessness Crisis With New State Funds | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>When a shortfall of several hundred thousand dollars almost derailed new homeless housing in Bakersfield, the savior that swooped in to salvage the project wasn’t an affordable housing nonprofit, state housing grant or other traditional source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it was a health care company that had never before built a single home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unorthodox move is part of a broader effort to commingle California’s health care and homeless services agencies, as providers in both areas increasingly acknowledge a glaring truth: It’s nearly impossible to be healthy if you’re living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health care company Akido Labs, which runs clinics and street medicine teams in Southern and Central California, covered about 10% of the cost to build that 16-unit project in Bakersfield. Health insurance giant Anthem Blue Cross Blue Shield is funding homeless housing projects in Alameda, Kings and Tulare counties. And Los Angeles County’s biggest health plan is paying to lease properties for its homeless clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the unhoused, housing is medicine,” said Karthik Murali, head of public health at Akido Labs. “Providing stable housing can alleviate more health conditions than taking them to the ICU and the hospital and providing street medicine. … Knowing that fact, we wanted to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">homeless\u003c/a> have higher rates of illness, and die an average of 12 years younger than the general U.S. population, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://nhchc.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/homelessness-and-health.pdf\">National Health Care for the Homeless Council (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom set the marriage between housing and health care in motion in 2022, via his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">massive overhaul\u003c/a> of the state’s Medicaid system. With the launch of CalAIM, the state allows \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a> to fund things not traditionally covered as health care — such as helping \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homeless\u003c/a> clients find housing, paying for security deposits and preventing evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an incentive for health care plans to ramp up these new services, the state also provided $1.3 billion in additional funding under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/resource-center/homelessness-health-care/medi-cal-and-homelessness/housing-and-homelessness-incentive-program/\">Housing and Homelessness Incentive Program\u003c/a>. Managed care plans can earn those funds by investing in solutions to homelessness. It’s that money Akido and other health care providers are using to build and lease new homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993619\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993619\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a hat sits down next to bags of medicine and equipment in a vineyard.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Rishi Patel from the Akido street medicine team checks on a homeless man living in a vineyard in Arvin on May 28, 2024. Street medicine teams throughout California are increasingly using long-acting injectable antipsychotic medication to stabilize the mental health of people living in homeless encampments. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s still a relatively rare use of the money — it’s more likely to pay for services for unhoused people, such as case managers or safe RV parking sites. That’s partly because creating housing is so expensive in California, and partly because most health care providers don’t know much about homebuilding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Murali said the new funds made a big difference. Recognizing that it could only do so much to help its homeless patients as long as they were living on the street, Akido had long wanted to get into the business of developing housing. The incentive program gave it the funds to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could not have been possible before, and it’s possible now,” Murali said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing as medicine\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles-based Akido Labs got its start as a health tech company out of Y Combinator, the startup incubator that grew big-name companies such as Airbnb and Dropbox. It later launched medical clinics and street medicine teams in Central and Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Kern County Housing Authority found itself over budget on the Bakersfield homeless housing project — in part because the housing authority underestimated the cost of an expensive retaining wall — Akido jumped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993622\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993622\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg\" alt=\"Men wearing bright safety uniforms and hard hats look up near a construction site.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We would have been stalled, and who knows where it would have been now if we hadn’t had that money come in,” said Stephen Pelz, executive director of the housing authority, who said Akido funded about 10% of the roughly $3 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993620\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg\" alt=\"The inside of a building under construction.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two-story development, where tenants will pay 30% of their income in rent, sits on a formerly vacant lot next to what used to be a large homeless encampment. Each apartment is a small one-bedroom, one-bath — about 500 square feet — and you can see the Sierra Nevada from the upstairs windows on a clear day. It’s a big deal to complete a project in that area, where most of the street doesn’t even have a sidewalk and new construction is rare, Pelz said. You’re more likely to see something here catch fire and then be torn down than you are to see something new get built, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akido also took on a second, 40-unit homeless housing project in Bakersfield. That development, now set to open in 2025, would have fallen apart without the health care company’s funding. The county had applied for a state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/12/california-homeless-developer-investigation/\">Homekey\u003c/a> grant, but that wasn’t enough to buy the property or fund the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akido paid about 20% of the project’s total $10 million cost, and it’s now working with the county housing authority. Akido is advocating for features it knows will help its clients, such as wheelchair accessible outdoor spaces, suicide prevention designs (such as shelves in closets instead of rails) and semigloss paint that makes cleaning easier. The health care company is learning to navigate the complicated world of housing production as it goes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been an interesting process,” Murali said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless housing from Sacramento to LA\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other counties are using the money to secure housing units without putting shovels in the ground. Sacramento County won $3.2 million for its Landlord Engagement and Assistance Program, which gives unhoused clients rental subsidies and places them with private landlords, while also working with landlords to prevent evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money will allow the county to expand that program by about 30%, said human services program manager Neil Kurtz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s everything,” Kurtz said. “We’re going to be able to make a significant impact, I think, in reducing homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A tarp and other debris forming a living structure underneath an overpass.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment on W Street and Alhambra Boulevard in Sacramento on April 11, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s largest health plan, LA Care, is using the incentive funds to help open 1,700 homes to homeless residents by 2027. Working with the county, the health plan is funding programs to buy and lease those units, or pay for security deposits and other expenses. As of the end of last year, 600 of those homes were available, said Dr. Sameer Amin, chief medical officer for LA Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem Blue Cross Blue Shield recently put money into a 42-unit homeless housing project in Tulare County, helped fund two more projects in Kings County, and contributed to a fund in Alameda County that’s building additional units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking at other opportunities,” said Kris Kuntz, program director for housing and homeless strategy at Anthem. ”We’re looking at: Do we go purchase single family homes that are on the market? Things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can the housing-health care partnership be sustainable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Blurring the line between housing and health care has been confusing for many involved, said Carolina Reid, faculty research advisor at the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health care providers don’t know what organizations to partner with in order to get housing built, or how to enter their clients’ information into the state’s homelessness data system. Housing providers don’t know how to navigate strict patient privacy laws. The Terner Center is \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/CalAIM-Brief-February-2024.pdf\">researching (PDF)\u003c/a> ways to help both sides adjust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state paints this health-care-meets-housing experiment as a success so far. Health care providers using the Housing and Homelessness Incentive Program money reported they now are more frequently screening their patients for homelessness, while also offering them more housing-related services. According to the state Department of Health Care Services, 48,172 patients have received housing — and 81% of them have remained housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the problem with this money is that it’s a one-time grant, and Newsom has given no indication that he’ll replenish the coffers when it runs out. After Newsom and legislators \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">scrambled to close\u003c/a> a multibillion-dollar budget deficit this year, there’s little state funding up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One question I have that I can’t answer is: Are these efforts sustained after the HHIP funds run out?” Reid said. “There needs to be a sustained source of funding to help managed care plans do this type of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993623\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg\" alt=\"A sign that reads "Golden Empire Affordable Housing SWPPP's Strictly Enforced" with bullet points and text on a fence in front of a building and vehicle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murali hopes Akido can drum up private equity to replace the state funding in future projects, but whether investors can be convinced it’s a good business move remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, when up against the steep cost of building or buying housing in California, the money the state allocated doesn’t amount to that much, Reid said. That’s why, she said, we haven’t seen more health care providers using the money to create new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kuntz agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to housing and homelessness,” he said, “you think it’s a large amount of money, but per county, it’s still … not huge, per say, given the need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kern County, the housing authority typically receives anywhere from 500 to 1,000 applications for each new project, Pelz said. The project set to finish next month in Bakersfield has room for just 16 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means, if you get chosen, Pelz said, “It’s kind of like winning the lottery.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Some California health care providers are starting to offer what their homeless patients really need: housing.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1720803202,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":37,"wordCount":1735},"headData":{"title":"California Health Care Providers Tackle Homelessness Crisis With New State Funds | KQED","description":"Some California health care providers are starting to offer what their homeless patients really need: housing.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Health Care Providers Tackle Homelessness Crisis With New State Funds","datePublished":"2024-07-11T12:00:36-07:00","dateModified":"2024-07-12T09:53:22-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/marisa-kendall/\">Marisa Kendall\u003c/a>, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11993616","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11993616/california-health-care-providers-tackle-homelessness-crisis-with-new-state-funds","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When a shortfall of several hundred thousand dollars almost derailed new homeless housing in Bakersfield, the savior that swooped in to salvage the project wasn’t an affordable housing nonprofit, state housing grant or other traditional source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it was a health care company that had never before built a single home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unorthodox move is part of a broader effort to commingle California’s health care and homeless services agencies, as providers in both areas increasingly acknowledge a glaring truth: It’s nearly impossible to be healthy if you’re living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health care company Akido Labs, which runs clinics and street medicine teams in Southern and Central California, covered about 10% of the cost to build that 16-unit project in Bakersfield. Health insurance giant Anthem Blue Cross Blue Shield is funding homeless housing projects in Alameda, Kings and Tulare counties. And Los Angeles County’s biggest health plan is paying to lease properties for its homeless clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the unhoused, housing is medicine,” said Karthik Murali, head of public health at Akido Labs. “Providing stable housing can alleviate more health conditions than taking them to the ICU and the hospital and providing street medicine. … Knowing that fact, we wanted to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">homeless\u003c/a> have higher rates of illness, and die an average of 12 years younger than the general U.S. population, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://nhchc.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/homelessness-and-health.pdf\">National Health Care for the Homeless Council (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom set the marriage between housing and health care in motion in 2022, via his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">massive overhaul\u003c/a> of the state’s Medicaid system. With the launch of CalAIM, the state allows \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a> to fund things not traditionally covered as health care — such as helping \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homeless\u003c/a> clients find housing, paying for security deposits and preventing evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an incentive for health care plans to ramp up these new services, the state also provided $1.3 billion in additional funding under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/resource-center/homelessness-health-care/medi-cal-and-homelessness/housing-and-homelessness-incentive-program/\">Housing and Homelessness Incentive Program\u003c/a>. Managed care plans can earn those funds by investing in solutions to homelessness. It’s that money Akido and other health care providers are using to build and lease new homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993619\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993619\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a hat sits down next to bags of medicine and equipment in a vineyard.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Rishi Patel from the Akido street medicine team checks on a homeless man living in a vineyard in Arvin on May 28, 2024. Street medicine teams throughout California are increasingly using long-acting injectable antipsychotic medication to stabilize the mental health of people living in homeless encampments. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s still a relatively rare use of the money — it’s more likely to pay for services for unhoused people, such as case managers or safe RV parking sites. That’s partly because creating housing is so expensive in California, and partly because most health care providers don’t know much about homebuilding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Murali said the new funds made a big difference. Recognizing that it could only do so much to help its homeless patients as long as they were living on the street, Akido had long wanted to get into the business of developing housing. The incentive program gave it the funds to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could not have been possible before, and it’s possible now,” Murali said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing as medicine\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles-based Akido Labs got its start as a health tech company out of Y Combinator, the startup incubator that grew big-name companies such as Airbnb and Dropbox. It later launched medical clinics and street medicine teams in Central and Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Kern County Housing Authority found itself over budget on the Bakersfield homeless housing project — in part because the housing authority underestimated the cost of an expensive retaining wall — Akido jumped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993622\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993622\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg\" alt=\"Men wearing bright safety uniforms and hard hats look up near a construction site.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We would have been stalled, and who knows where it would have been now if we hadn’t had that money come in,” said Stephen Pelz, executive director of the housing authority, who said Akido funded about 10% of the roughly $3 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993620\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg\" alt=\"The inside of a building under construction.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two-story development, where tenants will pay 30% of their income in rent, sits on a formerly vacant lot next to what used to be a large homeless encampment. Each apartment is a small one-bedroom, one-bath — about 500 square feet — and you can see the Sierra Nevada from the upstairs windows on a clear day. It’s a big deal to complete a project in that area, where most of the street doesn’t even have a sidewalk and new construction is rare, Pelz said. You’re more likely to see something here catch fire and then be torn down than you are to see something new get built, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akido also took on a second, 40-unit homeless housing project in Bakersfield. That development, now set to open in 2025, would have fallen apart without the health care company’s funding. The county had applied for a state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/12/california-homeless-developer-investigation/\">Homekey\u003c/a> grant, but that wasn’t enough to buy the property or fund the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akido paid about 20% of the project’s total $10 million cost, and it’s now working with the county housing authority. Akido is advocating for features it knows will help its clients, such as wheelchair accessible outdoor spaces, suicide prevention designs (such as shelves in closets instead of rails) and semigloss paint that makes cleaning easier. The health care company is learning to navigate the complicated world of housing production as it goes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been an interesting process,” Murali said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless housing from Sacramento to LA\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other counties are using the money to secure housing units without putting shovels in the ground. Sacramento County won $3.2 million for its Landlord Engagement and Assistance Program, which gives unhoused clients rental subsidies and places them with private landlords, while also working with landlords to prevent evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money will allow the county to expand that program by about 30%, said human services program manager Neil Kurtz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s everything,” Kurtz said. “We’re going to be able to make a significant impact, I think, in reducing homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A tarp and other debris forming a living structure underneath an overpass.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment on W Street and Alhambra Boulevard in Sacramento on April 11, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s largest health plan, LA Care, is using the incentive funds to help open 1,700 homes to homeless residents by 2027. Working with the county, the health plan is funding programs to buy and lease those units, or pay for security deposits and other expenses. As of the end of last year, 600 of those homes were available, said Dr. Sameer Amin, chief medical officer for LA Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem Blue Cross Blue Shield recently put money into a 42-unit homeless housing project in Tulare County, helped fund two more projects in Kings County, and contributed to a fund in Alameda County that’s building additional units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking at other opportunities,” said Kris Kuntz, program director for housing and homeless strategy at Anthem. ”We’re looking at: Do we go purchase single family homes that are on the market? Things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can the housing-health care partnership be sustainable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Blurring the line between housing and health care has been confusing for many involved, said Carolina Reid, faculty research advisor at the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health care providers don’t know what organizations to partner with in order to get housing built, or how to enter their clients’ information into the state’s homelessness data system. Housing providers don’t know how to navigate strict patient privacy laws. The Terner Center is \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/CalAIM-Brief-February-2024.pdf\">researching (PDF)\u003c/a> ways to help both sides adjust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state paints this health-care-meets-housing experiment as a success so far. Health care providers using the Housing and Homelessness Incentive Program money reported they now are more frequently screening their patients for homelessness, while also offering them more housing-related services. According to the state Department of Health Care Services, 48,172 patients have received housing — and 81% of them have remained housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the problem with this money is that it’s a one-time grant, and Newsom has given no indication that he’ll replenish the coffers when it runs out. After Newsom and legislators \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">scrambled to close\u003c/a> a multibillion-dollar budget deficit this year, there’s little state funding up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One question I have that I can’t answer is: Are these efforts sustained after the HHIP funds run out?” Reid said. “There needs to be a sustained source of funding to help managed care plans do this type of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993623\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg\" alt=\"A sign that reads "Golden Empire Affordable Housing SWPPP's Strictly Enforced" with bullet points and text on a fence in front of a building and vehicle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murali hopes Akido can drum up private equity to replace the state funding in future projects, but whether investors can be convinced it’s a good business move remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, when up against the steep cost of building or buying housing in California, the money the state allocated doesn’t amount to that much, Reid said. That’s why, she said, we haven’t seen more health care providers using the money to create new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kuntz agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to housing and homelessness,” he said, “you think it’s a large amount of money, but per county, it’s still … not huge, per say, given the need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kern County, the housing authority typically receives anywhere from 500 to 1,000 applications for each new project, Pelz said. The project set to finish next month in Bakersfield has room for just 16 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means, if you get chosen, Pelz said, “It’s kind of like winning the lottery.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11993616/california-health-care-providers-tackle-homelessness-crisis-with-new-state-funds","authors":["byline_news_11993616"],"categories":["news_6266","news_8"],"tags":["news_3921","news_25015","news_683","news_33042"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11993621","label":"news_18481"},"news_11993457":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11993457","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11993457","score":null,"sort":[1720645205000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"will-california-rules-ensure-protections-after-supreme-courts-blow-to-federal-regulators","title":"Will California Rules Ensure Protections After Supreme Court's Blow to Federal Regulators?","publishDate":1720645205,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Will California Rules Ensure Protections After Supreme Court’s Blow to Federal Regulators? | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Tucked between headline-grabbing opinions on \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/07/02/what-is-presidential-immunity-trump-supreme-court/\">presidential immunity\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/14/nx-s1-5005999/supreme-court-jan-6-prosecutions\">Jan. 6 rioters\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">homeless encampments\u003c/a>, the U.S. Supreme Court closed out a momentous session late last month with a series of body blows to the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under three back-to-back rulings, regulations that touch nearly every aspect of the American economy and American life (see: rules on food safety, water quality, overtime pay, medical billing, carbon emissions, fisheries monitoring and housing discrimination, to name a few) may soon be \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-859_1924.pdf\">harder to enforce (PDF)\u003c/a>, more convenient to \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/22/22-1008/295695/20240112160022813_22-1008%20Merit%20Reply%20Brief%20Final.pdf\">challenge in court (PDF)\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-451_7m58.pdf\">easier to strike down once challenged (PDF)\u003c/a>. For the conservative legal movement and for major business interests who bristle under what they see as an overreaching federal regulatory apparatus, the rulings mark a once-in-a-generation victory against the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.amacad.org/publication/milestones-evolution-administrative-state\">administrative state\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in California, the effects of those rulings may be a bit more muted, legal experts say. California has an administrative state of its own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From worker safeguards to water regulations to LGBTQ-protections on college campuses, the rules enforced by California state agencies often meet and exceed the stringency of their federal counterparts. If judges begin swatting down federal regulations as a result of the recent decisions, California’s own rules could serve as a regulatory backup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For critics of the court’s recent decisions, that’s some consolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is, in a way, better situated than some other states because it is big enough and it has enough expertise in state government to actually provide state law protections that can kind of compensate for weakened federal ones,” said Sean Donahue, a lawyer who represents the Environmental Defense Fund. “That may not be true in some smaller states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has plenty of practice playing the role of Blue State bulwark against federal regulatory shifts to the right. During the Trump administration, the state’s Democratic leaders \u003ca href=\"https://story.californiasunday.com/thegreatexception/\">beefed up many state rules\u003c/a> in the face of real or anticipated rollbacks out of Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state discovered then, there is a limit to how far California can go its own way. Many federal statutes explicitly prohibit states from overriding them. Such federal preemption has been decreed by the courts in other cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes yes, California can go on its own,” said Ashutosh Bhagwat, an administrative law professor at UC Davis. “Sometimes it absolutely can’t, and sometimes it’s complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Three rulings against the bureaucracy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In what may be the most consequential of the session’s three regulatory rulings, the court’s conservative majority swept aside a 40-year-old judicial rule of thumb, known as “Chevron deference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept, named for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1983/82-1005\">1984 case\u003c/a> that spawned it, required judges to defer to a federal regulator’s interpretation of how to implement a Congressional statute. In a high school civics class version of government, Congress passes the laws and the executive branch, with the President sitting at the top, simply enforces them. But enforcement is rarely simple. Congressional laws can be vague or fail to anticipate every eventuality, technological development or unforeseen problem. Since the New Deal, the federal government’s powers and responsibilities have expanded and grown more complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron deference is the notion that if a statute is ambiguous and an agency’s interpretation is reasonable on its face, courts should let the bureaucracy call the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his opinion, Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts wrote that courts may “respect” federal agency expertise, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-451_7m58.pdf\">cannot automatically defer to it (PDF)\u003c/a>. “Agencies have no special competence in resolving statutory ambiguities. Courts do,” he wrote. The upshot: Regulated industries now have a better shot at successfully challenging the federal rules that govern them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building on the theme of putting a leash on federal bureaucrats, the majority also ruled against the Securities and Exchange Commission and put new limits on when agencies can \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-859_1924.pdf\">use in-house administrative courts (PDF)\u003c/a> to levy fines, instead requiring agencies to take alleged rule breakers to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a third opinion, the Supreme Court ruled that the six-year statute of limitations for when an aggrieved business can challenge a federal regulation starts ticking \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-1008_1b82.pdf\">whenever that suing party is first affected by the rule\u003c/a>. Financial regulators in that case had argued that the shot clock starts when the rule itself is enacted, giving regulations a degree of finality once that time expires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three rulings were decided 6–3, with the court’s conservatives in the majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Climate change regulations especially vulnerable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In her dissent in the statute of limitations case, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, a Biden appointee, warned that together with the end of Chevron deference, the court’s rulings would unleash a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-1008_1b82.pdf\">tsunami of lawsuits (PDF)\u003c/a> against agencies” with the “potential to devastate the functioning of the Federal Government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts are still debating just how consequential these rulings will be. Granting less flexibility to federal regulators and opening them up to the threat of indefinite legal challenge from regulated industries implicates an unknowably vast universe of rules. But no one knows which rules are most vulnerable until they wind up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll probably see now a wave of litigation challenging regulations that many had thought of as being long-settled, and how that shakes out in terms of its application to California businesses and California residents and consumers, we just don’t know,” said Julia Stein, an environmental law professor at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change regulations may be especially ripe for challenge. Lacking much actual legislation on the subject from Congress, the Environmental Protection Agency has resorted to creative interpretations of old environmental statutes, like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/clean-air-act-overview/evolution-clean-air-act#:~:text=Introduction,Air%20Act%20Amendments%20of%201990\">1970 Clean Air Act\u003c/a>, to justify its rules governing greenhouse gas emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such creativity may no longer fly, at least with conservative judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal regulators are “kind of hamstrung in the ability to take innovative approaches,” Stein said, now that the Chevron decision is history. “States, like California, are going to try to make up for that on the back end through their own authority and regulatory power, but it won’t be nearly as effective as if both those entities were working together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a state can set its own rules isn’t always clear. Almost 60 years ago, Congress granted California the authority to set its own emission standards for vehicles. But a California mandate requiring major truck manufacturers to ramp up the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/12/california-controversial-advanced-clean-trucks-regulation-air-pollution/\">sale of zero-emission vehicles \u003c/a>might be an early test case, since experts are divided as to whether an interpretation of the Clean Air Act properly allows for such a law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California, above and beyond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are areas of the regulatory universe where California law clearly can, and often does, go far above what the feds require.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor law is one example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most California workplace laws are more protective of employees than federal rules. Not only is the state’s $16 minimum wage more than double that required nationwide, the state also maintains and enforces its own rules on overtime pay, independent contractor status, workplace discrimination and workplace safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration proposed a rule requiring employers to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2024/07/02/osha-workers-extreme-heat-protections/\">protect workers from heat illness\u003c/a>. California’s own workplace safety agency has had such a rule in place since 2005 for outdoor workers and is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/extreme-heat-california-workplace-rules/\">expanding it to those working indoors\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules will stand regardless of legal challenges at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11992777,news_11992365,news_11991285\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Such challenges are already on the way elsewhere. The same day the high court snagged final say over rulemaking from federal agencies, a Texas judge cited the Chevron-ending decision in putting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrdive.com/news/texas-state-employees-overtime-rule/720251/\">new Biden administration overtime rule on hold\u003c/a> for state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A long established stereotype of California would suggest that lawmakers here are already ideologically predisposed to out-red-tape Washington. But many of California’s supercharged state rules are of recent vintage, born out of resistance to the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, then-California state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson authored a \u003ca href=\"https://www.edhat.com/news/jackson-bill-to-put-federal-title-ix-standards-into-state-law-passes-out-of-committee/\">handful\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.noozhawk.com/gov-_newsom_signs_state_sen-_jacksons_fairness_bill_for_survivors_of_sexual/\">laws\u003c/a> to put the federal rules that govern gender discrimination in schools and universities into state statute. That was in anticipation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/05/06/politics/education-secretary-betsy-devos-title-ix-regulations/index.html\">controversial changes to Title IX\u003c/a>, a 1972 civil rights law, proposed by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal education regulators have mined Title IX’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.espn.com/espnw/title-ix/story/_/id/7722632/37-words-changed-everything\">mere 37 words\u003c/a> to justify regulations on everything from school sports to sexual assault reporting standards to scholarships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protections for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2020/06/california-regulations-wetlands-birds/\">wetlands and migratory birds\u003c/a> and bans of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2019-08-14/california-bans-pesticide-defying-trump-epa\">certain pesticides\u003c/a> were also ratcheted up in California during the Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that blue state playbook didn’t always go as planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, San Diego Sen. Toni Atkins, then the top Democrat in the state Senate, authored a bill for an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/09/california-water-dispute-trump-environment-rollbacks/\">anti-Trump “backstop”\u003c/a> — essentially copying and pasting the more stringent federal environmental and workplace rules from the Obama era onto the state’s books. Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed that bill, calling it “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/09/veto-environment-bill-california-water-wars-cost-newsom-support/\">a solution in search of a problem\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California: A vision of life after Chevron?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The raft of rulings were momentous, but not especially surprising to many court watchers. The Supreme Court had been either ignoring or \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/06/us/politics/supreme-court-major-questions-doctrine.html\">actively chipping away\u003c/a> at Chevron deference for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has some legal experts, even self-described liberals, skeptical that the final effect will be as dramatic as the Supreme Court’s liberal dissenters and many alarmed commentators have suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The major clean water and clean air acts were passed in the ’70s, long before Chevron,” said Bhagwat at UC Davis. “There was administrative law before that. So, the idea that you can’t have administrative law without Chevron is stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, anyone looking to see what a post-Chevron world might look like could turn to California. State courts never adopted a Chevron-like rule in reviewing regulations. Instead, they’ve taken a \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/4th/19/1.html\">more holistic approach\u003c/a>, in which agency interpretations might be granted more weight when they’ve been consistent over time and are based on its own area of expertise. That, in effect, is pretty similar to the new rules of the federal road laid out last month by the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when people say, ‘Oh, this is kind of the end of the world, abolishing Chevron,’ it’s like, well, it hasn’t been the end of the world in California,” said Keith Bishop, a partner with the law firm Allen Matkins who used to work as a California state financial regulator. “At least, not yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are reasons to believe that certain courts outside of California will be keener to uproot regulations than they have been in California. That isn’t a result of differences in legal doctrine between courts, but of political philosophy, said David Carpenter, an appellate lawyer and partner at the law firm Sidley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, there would be a view that courts are going to be relatively more inclined to abide by or to follow or consider or give weight or respect to agency interpretations,” he said. “Depending on what jurisdiction the challenge is raised in, you might expect more hostility between the federal court and whichever administration is in power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhagwat shares the view that the outcome of a regulatory challenge will depend largely on the ideology of a given judge or court. That has led him to offer a less dramatic forecast of the law after this year’s spate of anti-regulatory rulings. “They were ignoring Chevron anyway,” he said. But it has led him to a much more dramatic and darker view of the law in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing the judiciary starting to reflect the polarization generally in American society,” he said. “There’s this sort of brutal reality on the ground, which is that the law doesn’t matter that much anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Rachel Becker and Jeanne Kuang contributed reporting to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"In three rulings, the US Supreme Court dealt a body blow to the federal bureaucracy. From health care to climate to workers' rights, California’s rules often go farther.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1720637732,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":48,"wordCount":2059},"headData":{"title":"Will California Rules Ensure Protections After Supreme Court's Blow to Federal Regulators? | KQED","description":"In three rulings, the US Supreme Court dealt a body blow to the federal bureaucracy. From health care to climate to workers' rights, California’s rules often go farther.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Will California Rules Ensure Protections After Supreme Court's Blow to Federal Regulators?","datePublished":"2024-07-10T14:00:05-07:00","dateModified":"2024-07-10T11:55:32-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/ben-christopher/\">Ben Christopher\u003c/a>, CalMatters","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11993457/will-california-rules-ensure-protections-after-supreme-courts-blow-to-federal-regulators","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tucked between headline-grabbing opinions on \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/07/02/what-is-presidential-immunity-trump-supreme-court/\">presidential immunity\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/14/nx-s1-5005999/supreme-court-jan-6-prosecutions\">Jan. 6 rioters\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">homeless encampments\u003c/a>, the U.S. Supreme Court closed out a momentous session late last month with a series of body blows to the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under three back-to-back rulings, regulations that touch nearly every aspect of the American economy and American life (see: rules on food safety, water quality, overtime pay, medical billing, carbon emissions, fisheries monitoring and housing discrimination, to name a few) may soon be \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-859_1924.pdf\">harder to enforce (PDF)\u003c/a>, more convenient to \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/22/22-1008/295695/20240112160022813_22-1008%20Merit%20Reply%20Brief%20Final.pdf\">challenge in court (PDF)\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-451_7m58.pdf\">easier to strike down once challenged (PDF)\u003c/a>. For the conservative legal movement and for major business interests who bristle under what they see as an overreaching federal regulatory apparatus, the rulings mark a once-in-a-generation victory against the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.amacad.org/publication/milestones-evolution-administrative-state\">administrative state\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in California, the effects of those rulings may be a bit more muted, legal experts say. California has an administrative state of its own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From worker safeguards to water regulations to LGBTQ-protections on college campuses, the rules enforced by California state agencies often meet and exceed the stringency of their federal counterparts. If judges begin swatting down federal regulations as a result of the recent decisions, California’s own rules could serve as a regulatory backup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For critics of the court’s recent decisions, that’s some consolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is, in a way, better situated than some other states because it is big enough and it has enough expertise in state government to actually provide state law protections that can kind of compensate for weakened federal ones,” said Sean Donahue, a lawyer who represents the Environmental Defense Fund. “That may not be true in some smaller states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has plenty of practice playing the role of Blue State bulwark against federal regulatory shifts to the right. During the Trump administration, the state’s Democratic leaders \u003ca href=\"https://story.californiasunday.com/thegreatexception/\">beefed up many state rules\u003c/a> in the face of real or anticipated rollbacks out of Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state discovered then, there is a limit to how far California can go its own way. Many federal statutes explicitly prohibit states from overriding them. Such federal preemption has been decreed by the courts in other cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes yes, California can go on its own,” said Ashutosh Bhagwat, an administrative law professor at UC Davis. “Sometimes it absolutely can’t, and sometimes it’s complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Three rulings against the bureaucracy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In what may be the most consequential of the session’s three regulatory rulings, the court’s conservative majority swept aside a 40-year-old judicial rule of thumb, known as “Chevron deference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept, named for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1983/82-1005\">1984 case\u003c/a> that spawned it, required judges to defer to a federal regulator’s interpretation of how to implement a Congressional statute. In a high school civics class version of government, Congress passes the laws and the executive branch, with the President sitting at the top, simply enforces them. But enforcement is rarely simple. Congressional laws can be vague or fail to anticipate every eventuality, technological development or unforeseen problem. Since the New Deal, the federal government’s powers and responsibilities have expanded and grown more complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron deference is the notion that if a statute is ambiguous and an agency’s interpretation is reasonable on its face, courts should let the bureaucracy call the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his opinion, Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts wrote that courts may “respect” federal agency expertise, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-451_7m58.pdf\">cannot automatically defer to it (PDF)\u003c/a>. “Agencies have no special competence in resolving statutory ambiguities. Courts do,” he wrote. The upshot: Regulated industries now have a better shot at successfully challenging the federal rules that govern them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building on the theme of putting a leash on federal bureaucrats, the majority also ruled against the Securities and Exchange Commission and put new limits on when agencies can \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-859_1924.pdf\">use in-house administrative courts (PDF)\u003c/a> to levy fines, instead requiring agencies to take alleged rule breakers to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a third opinion, the Supreme Court ruled that the six-year statute of limitations for when an aggrieved business can challenge a federal regulation starts ticking \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-1008_1b82.pdf\">whenever that suing party is first affected by the rule\u003c/a>. Financial regulators in that case had argued that the shot clock starts when the rule itself is enacted, giving regulations a degree of finality once that time expires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three rulings were decided 6–3, with the court’s conservatives in the majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Climate change regulations especially vulnerable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In her dissent in the statute of limitations case, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, a Biden appointee, warned that together with the end of Chevron deference, the court’s rulings would unleash a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-1008_1b82.pdf\">tsunami of lawsuits (PDF)\u003c/a> against agencies” with the “potential to devastate the functioning of the Federal Government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts are still debating just how consequential these rulings will be. Granting less flexibility to federal regulators and opening them up to the threat of indefinite legal challenge from regulated industries implicates an unknowably vast universe of rules. But no one knows which rules are most vulnerable until they wind up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll probably see now a wave of litigation challenging regulations that many had thought of as being long-settled, and how that shakes out in terms of its application to California businesses and California residents and consumers, we just don’t know,” said Julia Stein, an environmental law professor at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change regulations may be especially ripe for challenge. Lacking much actual legislation on the subject from Congress, the Environmental Protection Agency has resorted to creative interpretations of old environmental statutes, like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/clean-air-act-overview/evolution-clean-air-act#:~:text=Introduction,Air%20Act%20Amendments%20of%201990\">1970 Clean Air Act\u003c/a>, to justify its rules governing greenhouse gas emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such creativity may no longer fly, at least with conservative judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal regulators are “kind of hamstrung in the ability to take innovative approaches,” Stein said, now that the Chevron decision is history. “States, like California, are going to try to make up for that on the back end through their own authority and regulatory power, but it won’t be nearly as effective as if both those entities were working together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a state can set its own rules isn’t always clear. Almost 60 years ago, Congress granted California the authority to set its own emission standards for vehicles. But a California mandate requiring major truck manufacturers to ramp up the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/12/california-controversial-advanced-clean-trucks-regulation-air-pollution/\">sale of zero-emission vehicles \u003c/a>might be an early test case, since experts are divided as to whether an interpretation of the Clean Air Act properly allows for such a law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California, above and beyond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are areas of the regulatory universe where California law clearly can, and often does, go far above what the feds require.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor law is one example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most California workplace laws are more protective of employees than federal rules. Not only is the state’s $16 minimum wage more than double that required nationwide, the state also maintains and enforces its own rules on overtime pay, independent contractor status, workplace discrimination and workplace safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration proposed a rule requiring employers to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2024/07/02/osha-workers-extreme-heat-protections/\">protect workers from heat illness\u003c/a>. California’s own workplace safety agency has had such a rule in place since 2005 for outdoor workers and is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/extreme-heat-california-workplace-rules/\">expanding it to those working indoors\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules will stand regardless of legal challenges at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11992777,news_11992365,news_11991285","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Such challenges are already on the way elsewhere. The same day the high court snagged final say over rulemaking from federal agencies, a Texas judge cited the Chevron-ending decision in putting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrdive.com/news/texas-state-employees-overtime-rule/720251/\">new Biden administration overtime rule on hold\u003c/a> for state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A long established stereotype of California would suggest that lawmakers here are already ideologically predisposed to out-red-tape Washington. But many of California’s supercharged state rules are of recent vintage, born out of resistance to the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, then-California state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson authored a \u003ca href=\"https://www.edhat.com/news/jackson-bill-to-put-federal-title-ix-standards-into-state-law-passes-out-of-committee/\">handful\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.noozhawk.com/gov-_newsom_signs_state_sen-_jacksons_fairness_bill_for_survivors_of_sexual/\">laws\u003c/a> to put the federal rules that govern gender discrimination in schools and universities into state statute. That was in anticipation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/05/06/politics/education-secretary-betsy-devos-title-ix-regulations/index.html\">controversial changes to Title IX\u003c/a>, a 1972 civil rights law, proposed by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal education regulators have mined Title IX’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.espn.com/espnw/title-ix/story/_/id/7722632/37-words-changed-everything\">mere 37 words\u003c/a> to justify regulations on everything from school sports to sexual assault reporting standards to scholarships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protections for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2020/06/california-regulations-wetlands-birds/\">wetlands and migratory birds\u003c/a> and bans of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2019-08-14/california-bans-pesticide-defying-trump-epa\">certain pesticides\u003c/a> were also ratcheted up in California during the Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that blue state playbook didn’t always go as planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, San Diego Sen. Toni Atkins, then the top Democrat in the state Senate, authored a bill for an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/09/california-water-dispute-trump-environment-rollbacks/\">anti-Trump “backstop”\u003c/a> — essentially copying and pasting the more stringent federal environmental and workplace rules from the Obama era onto the state’s books. Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed that bill, calling it “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/09/veto-environment-bill-california-water-wars-cost-newsom-support/\">a solution in search of a problem\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California: A vision of life after Chevron?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The raft of rulings were momentous, but not especially surprising to many court watchers. The Supreme Court had been either ignoring or \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/06/us/politics/supreme-court-major-questions-doctrine.html\">actively chipping away\u003c/a> at Chevron deference for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has some legal experts, even self-described liberals, skeptical that the final effect will be as dramatic as the Supreme Court’s liberal dissenters and many alarmed commentators have suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The major clean water and clean air acts were passed in the ’70s, long before Chevron,” said Bhagwat at UC Davis. “There was administrative law before that. So, the idea that you can’t have administrative law without Chevron is stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, anyone looking to see what a post-Chevron world might look like could turn to California. State courts never adopted a Chevron-like rule in reviewing regulations. Instead, they’ve taken a \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/4th/19/1.html\">more holistic approach\u003c/a>, in which agency interpretations might be granted more weight when they’ve been consistent over time and are based on its own area of expertise. That, in effect, is pretty similar to the new rules of the federal road laid out last month by the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when people say, ‘Oh, this is kind of the end of the world, abolishing Chevron,’ it’s like, well, it hasn’t been the end of the world in California,” said Keith Bishop, a partner with the law firm Allen Matkins who used to work as a California state financial regulator. “At least, not yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are reasons to believe that certain courts outside of California will be keener to uproot regulations than they have been in California. That isn’t a result of differences in legal doctrine between courts, but of political philosophy, said David Carpenter, an appellate lawyer and partner at the law firm Sidley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, there would be a view that courts are going to be relatively more inclined to abide by or to follow or consider or give weight or respect to agency interpretations,” he said. “Depending on what jurisdiction the challenge is raised in, you might expect more hostility between the federal court and whichever administration is in power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhagwat shares the view that the outcome of a regulatory challenge will depend largely on the ideology of a given judge or court. That has led him to offer a less dramatic forecast of the law after this year’s spate of anti-regulatory rulings. “They were ignoring Chevron anyway,” he said. But it has led him to a much more dramatic and darker view of the law in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing the judiciary starting to reflect the polarization generally in American society,” he said. “There’s this sort of brutal reality on the ground, which is that the law doesn’t matter that much anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Rachel Becker and Jeanne Kuang contributed reporting to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11993457/will-california-rules-ensure-protections-after-supreme-courts-blow-to-federal-regulators","authors":["byline_news_11993457"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_22307","news_424","news_255","news_20149","news_17825","news_21891","news_3195","news_4155"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11977999","label":"news_18481"},"news_11993217":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11993217","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11993217","score":null,"sort":[1720535435000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"debunking-6-common-myths-about-homelessness-in-california","title":"Debunking 6 Common Myths About Homelessness in California","publishDate":1720535435,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Debunking 6 Common Myths About Homelessness in California | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Homelessness is one of the most prominent, hardest to solve — and most polarizing — problems California faces today. It’s an intensely emotional issue, as images of squalid encampments are enough to bring many to tears. But it’s also an intensely political one, with state and local leaders squabbling over how best to address the crisis, all while facing acute pressure from their constituents to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it’s no wonder that when it comes to the homelessness crisis, there’s a lot of talk out there — and not everything you hear is true. Here are some of the most common myths surrounding homelessness. Let us help you separate fact from fiction using data.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>1. MYTH: Most unhoused people come here from somewhere else\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> It’s often said that people who are down on their luck move here because of the nice weather and abundant social services. But the data doesn’t bear that out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of people who are homeless in California are from California — and most are still living in the same county where they lost their housing, according to a recent large-scale \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/sites/default/files/2023-06/CASPEH_Report_62023.pdf\">survey of unhoused Californians (PDF)\u003c/a> conducted by the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative. The survey found that 90% of participants were from California (meaning they lived in California when they became homeless) and 75% lived in the same county where they were last housed. And 66% were born in California, while 87% were born in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local data shows the same thing. In Santa Clara County, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://osh.sccgov.org/continuum-care/reports-and-publications/santa-clara-county-homeless-census-and-survey-reports-point\">85% of people surveyed \u003c/a>during the 2023 point-in-time count reported they were residents of the county when they became homeless. And 54% had lived in Santa Clara County for 10 or more years.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>2. MYTH: Everyone living on the street is addicted to drugs or mentally ill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> People living on the street are more likely to experience addiction or a mental illness than the general population — but by no means do those two conditions affect everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if they had ever been hospitalized due to a mental health condition, 27% of homeless Californians \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/sites/default/files/2023-06/CASPEH_Report_62023.pdf\">surveyed by UCSF (PDF)\u003c/a> said yes. One in three reported attempting suicide at some point during their life. And 23% reported ever experiencing a significant period of hallucinations, while 25% said they had been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to drug use, 56% of people surveyed by UCSF reported ever using amphetamines regularly, 33% reported ever using cocaine regularly, and 22% reported ever using non-prescribed opioids regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=8164-2024-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-results-long-version-.pdf\">Newly released data\u003c/a> from Los Angeles County found similar results — 24% of people surveyed during this year’s point-in-time count reported having a serious mental illness, and 27% reported a substance-use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rates are far higher than among the general population. Less than 4% of adults in California have a serious mental illness, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/2022-edition-mental-health-california/#related-links-and-downloads\">California Health Care Foundation\u003c/a>. Rates of mental illness are higher in families with incomes below the federal poverty line and among people who are incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, 9% of Californians met the criteria for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/SubstanceUseDisorderAlmanac2022.pdf\">substance use disorder (PDF)\u003c/a> in 2021, according to the California Health Care Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>3. MYTH: Most people living on the streets are veterans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT: \u003c/strong>Veterans are disproportionately represented in California’s homeless population. But thanks to a major effort by the federal government to end veteran homelessness over the past decade, the number of homeless vets in California has dropped significantly — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/11/homeless-veterans-california-election-2024/\">falling\u003c/a> from nearly 16,800 in 2011 to almost 10,400 in 2022. But in recent years, the number has plateaued. State-funded homes for unhoused vets are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/11/homeless-veterans-california-election-2024/\">underused\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, new efforts to tackle homelessness are setting aside special resources for unhoused vets. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, a recently approved $6.4 billion bond, promises to create 4,350 new homes for unhoused people who need mental health and addiction services. About half of those new homes will be reserved for veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How great is the need for those services? Of the homeless Californians surveyed by UCSF, 6% reported serving in the military. Of those who served, just 19% reported receiving benefits from the Veterans Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County’s \u003ca href=\"https://osh.sccgov.org/continuum-care/reports-and-publications/santa-clara-county-homeless-census-and-survey-reports-point\">2023 point-in-time count\u003c/a> tallied 508 unhoused veterans — 5% of the county’s total homeless population. This year, \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/\">San Francisco\u003c/a> counted 587 homeless veterans — 7% of the city’s total homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993225\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12.jpg\" alt=\"A small dog is seen near an encampment filled with pieces of wood, metal and tents.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line up against a fence at a homeless encampment near Highway 180 in west Fresno on Feb. 11, 2022. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>4. MYTH: People who are homeless don’t work and don’t want to work\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> Some people who don’t have a home still hold down one or more jobs, while others are trying to find work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the homeless Californians \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/sites/default/files/2023-06/CASPEH_Report_62023.pdf\">surveyed by UCSF (PDF)\u003c/a>, 18% reported earning income from a job (either formal employment or informal/gig work) in the past month. When the researchers eliminated people who were older than 62 or had mental or physical disabilities from the data, the percentage was higher — 25% reported working in the past month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if people are working, they aren’t making enough to afford rent. Fast food workers, for example, make a median wage of $17.32 an hour in California, but they’d need to make more than twice that to rent a one-bedroom home, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://nlihc.org/oor/state/ca\">National Low Income Housing Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean people aren’t trying. Of everyone surveyed by UCSF, 44% said they were looking for work. Others made ends meet in other ways; 40% reported earning income from recycling or odd jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many participants reported barriers to working or finding work, including: their age, a disability, lack of transportation to and from a job, a criminal record, and the amount of time they spent trying to find food, water and shelter while also safeguarding their belongings on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/2022-PIT-Count-Report-San-Francisco-Updated-8.19.22.pdf\">San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a>, 17% of homeless residents surveyed during the 2022 point-in-time count were working, while 32% were unemployed and looking for work, 32% weren’t looking for work, and 20% were unable to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Job loss also contributed to many people becoming homeless. In \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/2022-PIT-Count-Report-San-Francisco-Updated-8.19.22.pdf\">San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a>, 21% of people surveyed in 2022 reported that losing their jobs was what drove them into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>5. MYTH: People who are homeless don’t want shelter or housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> City leaders will sometimes label homeless residents as “service-resistant” if they refuse to accept shelter or other services. However, outreach workers say the reality is much more complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people want to go inside, but they also want to be met halfway,” said Shaunn Cartwright, who has worked with homeless communities in San José for years. “Why would I go into a tiny home if I’m only going to be thrown out later? Or why would I want to go into a tiny home if there’s no housing after?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other people living on the streets have severe post-traumatic stress disorder or other mental health conditions and can’t live in a barracks-style shelter where dozens of people sleep side-by-side on cots, she said. Many shelters also prohibit pets, won’t let couples bunk together, or don’t have room for people to store their belongings. All of those restrictions deter many people from accepting a placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11991834,news_11991340,news_11989926\" label=\"Related Stories\"]But data suggests that when people are offered shelter that meets their needs, they are likely to accept it. Cities and counties throughout California opened hotels and motels for homeless residents during the COVID-19 pandemic through the state’s Project Roomkey program. It was a novel idea at the time — offering private rooms as shelter for homeless residents instead of the traditional barracks-style model. And it was widely used, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/05/california-homeless-project-roomkey/\">statewide analysis of the program\u003c/a>. That proves that people are eager to come inside given the right conditions, Nichole Fiore, a principal associate with research firm Abt Global, who co-authored the report, told CalMatters in May. She said people who had refused shelter in the past were willing to try Roomkey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People will come indoors if they are offered autonomy, safety, privacy if they’re able to keep their partners, their pets, their possessions,” Fiore said. “When their needs are met and their needs are considered, then people will come indoors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>6. MYTH: If you want to help, leave food at a homeless encampment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> Leaving food at a homeless camp without first asking what type of food the residents there want — or if they even want food at all — actually can cause more harm than good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ll just see boxes of food just sitting on a corner,” Cartwright said, “and you can tell that somebody dropped it off, but it’s not necessarily what people are interested in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uneaten food will sit there and rot, attracting rats and flies and making the entire area smell. And rotting food can add to an encampment’s garbage problem, making it more likely the authorities will come and sweep the camp, forcing the residents to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illegal dumping is already a major problem at homeless encampments, Cartwright said. Sometimes, people who live in nearby houses will take their trash to the camp and dump it — leaving the camp residents to deal with trash that was never theirs to begin with, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do want to help, Cartwright has some advice: “Ask the people in the area, ‘Hey, what are you guys into?’”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"There’s a lot of misinformation floating around out there about homelessness in California. The data dispels several common myths.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1720548228,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":34,"wordCount":1669},"headData":{"title":"Debunking 6 Common Myths About Homelessness in California | KQED","description":"There’s a lot of misinformation floating around out there about homelessness in California. The data dispels several common myths.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Debunking 6 Common Myths About Homelessness in California","datePublished":"2024-07-09T07:30:35-07:00","dateModified":"2024-07-09T11:03:48-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/marisa-kendall/\">Marisa Kendall\u003c/a>, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11993217","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11993217/debunking-6-common-myths-about-homelessness-in-california","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Homelessness is one of the most prominent, hardest to solve — and most polarizing — problems California faces today. It’s an intensely emotional issue, as images of squalid encampments are enough to bring many to tears. But it’s also an intensely political one, with state and local leaders squabbling over how best to address the crisis, all while facing acute pressure from their constituents to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it’s no wonder that when it comes to the homelessness crisis, there’s a lot of talk out there — and not everything you hear is true. Here are some of the most common myths surrounding homelessness. Let us help you separate fact from fiction using data.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>1. MYTH: Most unhoused people come here from somewhere else\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> It’s often said that people who are down on their luck move here because of the nice weather and abundant social services. But the data doesn’t bear that out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of people who are homeless in California are from California — and most are still living in the same county where they lost their housing, according to a recent large-scale \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/sites/default/files/2023-06/CASPEH_Report_62023.pdf\">survey of unhoused Californians (PDF)\u003c/a> conducted by the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative. The survey found that 90% of participants were from California (meaning they lived in California when they became homeless) and 75% lived in the same county where they were last housed. And 66% were born in California, while 87% were born in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local data shows the same thing. In Santa Clara County, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://osh.sccgov.org/continuum-care/reports-and-publications/santa-clara-county-homeless-census-and-survey-reports-point\">85% of people surveyed \u003c/a>during the 2023 point-in-time count reported they were residents of the county when they became homeless. And 54% had lived in Santa Clara County for 10 or more years.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>2. MYTH: Everyone living on the street is addicted to drugs or mentally ill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> People living on the street are more likely to experience addiction or a mental illness than the general population — but by no means do those two conditions affect everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked if they had ever been hospitalized due to a mental health condition, 27% of homeless Californians \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/sites/default/files/2023-06/CASPEH_Report_62023.pdf\">surveyed by UCSF (PDF)\u003c/a> said yes. One in three reported attempting suicide at some point during their life. And 23% reported ever experiencing a significant period of hallucinations, while 25% said they had been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to drug use, 56% of people surveyed by UCSF reported ever using amphetamines regularly, 33% reported ever using cocaine regularly, and 22% reported ever using non-prescribed opioids regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=8164-2024-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-results-long-version-.pdf\">Newly released data\u003c/a> from Los Angeles County found similar results — 24% of people surveyed during this year’s point-in-time count reported having a serious mental illness, and 27% reported a substance-use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rates are far higher than among the general population. Less than 4% of adults in California have a serious mental illness, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/2022-edition-mental-health-california/#related-links-and-downloads\">California Health Care Foundation\u003c/a>. Rates of mental illness are higher in families with incomes below the federal poverty line and among people who are incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, 9% of Californians met the criteria for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/SubstanceUseDisorderAlmanac2022.pdf\">substance use disorder (PDF)\u003c/a> in 2021, according to the California Health Care Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>3. MYTH: Most people living on the streets are veterans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT: \u003c/strong>Veterans are disproportionately represented in California’s homeless population. But thanks to a major effort by the federal government to end veteran homelessness over the past decade, the number of homeless vets in California has dropped significantly — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/11/homeless-veterans-california-election-2024/\">falling\u003c/a> from nearly 16,800 in 2011 to almost 10,400 in 2022. But in recent years, the number has plateaued. State-funded homes for unhoused vets are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/11/homeless-veterans-california-election-2024/\">underused\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, new efforts to tackle homelessness are setting aside special resources for unhoused vets. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, a recently approved $6.4 billion bond, promises to create 4,350 new homes for unhoused people who need mental health and addiction services. About half of those new homes will be reserved for veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How great is the need for those services? Of the homeless Californians surveyed by UCSF, 6% reported serving in the military. Of those who served, just 19% reported receiving benefits from the Veterans Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County’s \u003ca href=\"https://osh.sccgov.org/continuum-care/reports-and-publications/santa-clara-county-homeless-census-and-survey-reports-point\">2023 point-in-time count\u003c/a> tallied 508 unhoused veterans — 5% of the county’s total homeless population. This year, \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/\">San Francisco\u003c/a> counted 587 homeless veterans — 7% of the city’s total homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993225\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12.jpg\" alt=\"A small dog is seen near an encampment filled with pieces of wood, metal and tents.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/021122-Fresno-Homeless-Camps-LV-CM-12-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line up against a fence at a homeless encampment near Highway 180 in west Fresno on Feb. 11, 2022. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>4. MYTH: People who are homeless don’t work and don’t want to work\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> Some people who don’t have a home still hold down one or more jobs, while others are trying to find work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the homeless Californians \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/sites/default/files/2023-06/CASPEH_Report_62023.pdf\">surveyed by UCSF (PDF)\u003c/a>, 18% reported earning income from a job (either formal employment or informal/gig work) in the past month. When the researchers eliminated people who were older than 62 or had mental or physical disabilities from the data, the percentage was higher — 25% reported working in the past month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if people are working, they aren’t making enough to afford rent. Fast food workers, for example, make a median wage of $17.32 an hour in California, but they’d need to make more than twice that to rent a one-bedroom home, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://nlihc.org/oor/state/ca\">National Low Income Housing Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean people aren’t trying. Of everyone surveyed by UCSF, 44% said they were looking for work. Others made ends meet in other ways; 40% reported earning income from recycling or odd jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many participants reported barriers to working or finding work, including: their age, a disability, lack of transportation to and from a job, a criminal record, and the amount of time they spent trying to find food, water and shelter while also safeguarding their belongings on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/2022-PIT-Count-Report-San-Francisco-Updated-8.19.22.pdf\">San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a>, 17% of homeless residents surveyed during the 2022 point-in-time count were working, while 32% were unemployed and looking for work, 32% weren’t looking for work, and 20% were unable to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Job loss also contributed to many people becoming homeless. In \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/2022-PIT-Count-Report-San-Francisco-Updated-8.19.22.pdf\">San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a>, 21% of people surveyed in 2022 reported that losing their jobs was what drove them into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>5. MYTH: People who are homeless don’t want shelter or housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> City leaders will sometimes label homeless residents as “service-resistant” if they refuse to accept shelter or other services. However, outreach workers say the reality is much more complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people want to go inside, but they also want to be met halfway,” said Shaunn Cartwright, who has worked with homeless communities in San José for years. “Why would I go into a tiny home if I’m only going to be thrown out later? Or why would I want to go into a tiny home if there’s no housing after?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other people living on the streets have severe post-traumatic stress disorder or other mental health conditions and can’t live in a barracks-style shelter where dozens of people sleep side-by-side on cots, she said. Many shelters also prohibit pets, won’t let couples bunk together, or don’t have room for people to store their belongings. All of those restrictions deter many people from accepting a placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11991834,news_11991340,news_11989926","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But data suggests that when people are offered shelter that meets their needs, they are likely to accept it. Cities and counties throughout California opened hotels and motels for homeless residents during the COVID-19 pandemic through the state’s Project Roomkey program. It was a novel idea at the time — offering private rooms as shelter for homeless residents instead of the traditional barracks-style model. And it was widely used, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/05/california-homeless-project-roomkey/\">statewide analysis of the program\u003c/a>. That proves that people are eager to come inside given the right conditions, Nichole Fiore, a principal associate with research firm Abt Global, who co-authored the report, told CalMatters in May. She said people who had refused shelter in the past were willing to try Roomkey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People will come indoors if they are offered autonomy, safety, privacy if they’re able to keep their partners, their pets, their possessions,” Fiore said. “When their needs are met and their needs are considered, then people will come indoors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\u003ch2>6. MYTH: If you want to help, leave food at a homeless encampment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FACT:\u003c/strong> Leaving food at a homeless camp without first asking what type of food the residents there want — or if they even want food at all — actually can cause more harm than good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ll just see boxes of food just sitting on a corner,” Cartwright said, “and you can tell that somebody dropped it off, but it’s not necessarily what people are interested in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uneaten food will sit there and rot, attracting rats and flies and making the entire area smell. And rotting food can add to an encampment’s garbage problem, making it more likely the authorities will come and sweep the camp, forcing the residents to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illegal dumping is already a major problem at homeless encampments, Cartwright said. Sometimes, people who live in nearby houses will take their trash to the camp and dump it — leaving the camp residents to deal with trash that was never theirs to begin with, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do want to help, Cartwright has some advice: “Ask the people in the area, ‘Hey, what are you guys into?’”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11993217/debunking-6-common-myths-about-homelessness-in-california","authors":["byline_news_11993217"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_29546","news_21214","news_4020","news_28146"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11993226","label":"news_18481"},"news_11993102":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11993102","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11993102","score":null,"sort":[1720263634000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-now-has-mandatory-water-conservation-in-urban-areas-how-will-the-new-rules-affect-your-supplier","title":"California Now Has Mandatory Water Conservation in Urban Areas: How Will the New Rules Affect Your Supplier?","publishDate":1720263634,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Now Has Mandatory Water Conservation in Urban Areas: How Will the New Rules Affect Your Supplier? | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Despite California’s perpetual struggles with water shortages, state regulators adopted mandatory conservation measures this week that are substantially weaker and save less water than they originally planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rules, years in the making, were mandated by a package of laws that tasked state agencies with making “\u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/-/media/DWR-Website/Web-Pages/Programs/Water-Use-And-Efficiency/Make-Water-Conservation-A-California-Way-of-Life/Files/PDFs/Final-WCL-Primer.pdf?la=en&hash=B442FD7A34349FA91DA5CDEFC47134EA38ABF209\">water conservation a California way of life (PDF)\u003c/a>.” They force 405 cities and other urban water suppliers serving about 95% of Californians to meet individualized water budgets that decline over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulations, adopted unanimously by the State Water Resources Control Board on Wednesday, usher in a new phase of mandatory conservation for California. They set long-term targets for water use that aim to account for myriad regional differences, from climate to ownership of llamas and other livestock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water board’s initial proposal — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/water/2023/10/california-water-conservation/\">unveiled last year\u003c/a> and estimated to cost $13.5 billion at the time — faced an onslaught of criticism from water suppliers and state analysts who called the rules \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/01/california-new-water-conservation-rules-analyst-report/\">too costly and difficult to achieve\u003c/a>. In March, the state water agency \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/water/2024/03/california-water-conservation-rules-relaxed/\">revised its proposal\u003c/a> to delay enforcement of the conservation targets and extend the timeline for tightening the water budgets based on outdoor residential use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individual residents won’t be regulated — only suppliers, who must meet their conservation targets or face fines or other penalties. The costs of complying through 2050 are now estimated at $4.7 billion — which is largely expected to be passed onto ratepayers — but water agencies and their customers will also save about $6.2 billion, in large part from buying less water, \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/water_issues/programs/conservation_portal/regs/docs/2024/sria.pdf\">according to the agency’s analysis (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water board staff estimate that through 2040, the measures will save 1.7 million acre-feet — enough to supply almost half the state’s population for a year. That’s about 73% less than the earlier proposal, which would have saved 6.3 million acre-feet through 2040, staff told CalMatters. Through 2050, the savings could reach about 3.9 million acre-feet — more than a year’s supply for the state’s entire population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local water providers told the board that the targets would still be difficult to meet and warned that the costs could hit lower- and fixed-income members of their communities especially hard. They urged the board to provide more technical assistance and funding. Still, many applauded the changes, which they said will soften impacts to customers and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Water suppliers will need to develop and implement new programs that require long-term customer behavior change and significant investments,” Chelsea Haines of the Association of California Water Agencies, which represents more than 450 public agencies, told CalMatters. “It’s an unprecedented approach that will require a level of commitment that we’ve never seen before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, environmental groups and lawmakers say the weakened rules reduce and delay the water conservation that the drought-plagued state needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Failing to prepare is preparing to fail,” said Heather Cooley, director of research at the Pacific Institute, a global water think-tank. “While surface reservoirs are full now, I think there’s a tendency to forget about water scarcity and drought.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The authors of the bills that required mandatory conservation rules — former state Sen. Bob Hertzberg and Assemblymember Laura Friedman from Burbank — \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2024-03-28/california-water-conservation-state-law-drought\">said in a March opinion piece that the water board’s changes\u003c/a> “trample on the hard-won work that’s been done so far by allowing water utilities until 2035 or later to implement meaningful reductions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State Water Resources Control Board has decided to kick the can of California’s water future down the road at a time when we can least afford such inaction,” Friedman told CalMatters after the vote, adding that California must invest more in water efficiency or be forced to spend billions on wastewater recycling and desalination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water board Chairman \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/about_us/board_members/\">Joaquin Esquivel\u003c/a> said, “This is not a perfect regulation. We can never have a perfect regulation. But it is a significant one and moves us into a direction here into the future that we can all be proud of — and that is nation-leading.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The arc of conservation in this state has been an incredible one. Californians know that conservation is critical,” he said during the meeting. “What this creates is really a floor. And importantly, it’s not a policy in isolation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the rules were changed multiple times before they came up for a vote on Wednesday, the fundamental concept remains the same. Each local agency’s water budget is calculated from a combination of standards for indoor and outdoor water use at residences, certain commercial landscapes and losses like leaks. Other factors, such as livestock and recycled water, are also taken into account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suppliers must meet targets through a combination of rebates encouraging thriftier landscapes and appliances and rate changes penalizing thirstier water users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A previous, more stringent version of the rule carried the hefty price tag of around \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/water/2023/10/california-water-conservation/\">$13.5 billion\u003c/a> from lost revenues and the costs of funding rebates, infrastructure improvements and other conservation measures. The benefits of having to buy less water or scrounge for expensive new supplies were tallied at around $15.6 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11928042,news_11923873,news_11918450\"]At the time, the state’s Legislative Analyst questioned \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/01/california-new-water-conservation-rules-analyst-report/\">whether the costs were truly worth the benefits\u003c/a>. “These doubts are particularly worrisome given we find that suppliers will face notable challenges complying with these requirements,” a January report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the water board staff told CalMatters that the staggering costs and elevated benefits were partly due to an accounting error. Combined with policy changes and new data, the latest cost estimate is about $4.7 billion, while the benefits will drop to about $6.2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water regulators revised the proposal to delay enforcement of the conservation targets by two years until 2027 and extend the deadline for ramping down outdoor water use by five years, starting in 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rules also provide alternatives for the water suppliers that must make substantial cuts. Those required to reduce use by more than 20%, and who serve communities with household incomes below the state median, could cut use by only 1% per year and still comply, provided they meet other requirements. Those facing cuts of more than 30% could cut use by only 2% per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a third of suppliers serving about 42% of the state’s population will not need to change their water use to meet the 2035 standards — up from 18% under a previous version, according to state data. And 31%, serving about 12.5 million people, will be able to continue their current practices through 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has called for Californians in cities and towns to cut water use by about 500,000 acre-feet a year starting by 2030. Under the new rules, Californians are expected to save about \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/water_issues/programs/conservation_portal/regs/docs/2024/sria.pdf\">235,000 acre-feet of water a year (PDF)\u003c/a> 20 years later, in 2050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a water board analysis reported, that combined with current conservation levels and other efforts, the new rules are “estimated to save levels of water consistent with (Newsom’s) goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The measures are substantially weaker than a previous proposal after an onslaught of criticism, but they will still save enough water through 2050 to supply the state’s entire population for a year, at a cost of $4.7 billion.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1720225219,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":26,"wordCount":1251},"headData":{"title":"California Now Has Mandatory Water Conservation in Urban Areas: How Will the New Rules Affect Your Supplier? | KQED","description":"The measures are substantially weaker than a previous proposal after an onslaught of criticism, but they will still save enough water through 2050 to supply the state’s entire population for a year, at a cost of $4.7 billion.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Now Has Mandatory Water Conservation in Urban Areas: How Will the New Rules Affect Your Supplier?","datePublished":"2024-07-06T04:00:34-07:00","dateModified":"2024-07-05T17:20:19-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/rachel-becker/\">Rachel Becker\u003c/a>, CalMatters","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11993102/california-now-has-mandatory-water-conservation-in-urban-areas-how-will-the-new-rules-affect-your-supplier","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Despite California’s perpetual struggles with water shortages, state regulators adopted mandatory conservation measures this week that are substantially weaker and save less water than they originally planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rules, years in the making, were mandated by a package of laws that tasked state agencies with making “\u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/-/media/DWR-Website/Web-Pages/Programs/Water-Use-And-Efficiency/Make-Water-Conservation-A-California-Way-of-Life/Files/PDFs/Final-WCL-Primer.pdf?la=en&hash=B442FD7A34349FA91DA5CDEFC47134EA38ABF209\">water conservation a California way of life (PDF)\u003c/a>.” They force 405 cities and other urban water suppliers serving about 95% of Californians to meet individualized water budgets that decline over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The regulations, adopted unanimously by the State Water Resources Control Board on Wednesday, usher in a new phase of mandatory conservation for California. They set long-term targets for water use that aim to account for myriad regional differences, from climate to ownership of llamas and other livestock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water board’s initial proposal — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/water/2023/10/california-water-conservation/\">unveiled last year\u003c/a> and estimated to cost $13.5 billion at the time — faced an onslaught of criticism from water suppliers and state analysts who called the rules \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/01/california-new-water-conservation-rules-analyst-report/\">too costly and difficult to achieve\u003c/a>. In March, the state water agency \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/water/2024/03/california-water-conservation-rules-relaxed/\">revised its proposal\u003c/a> to delay enforcement of the conservation targets and extend the timeline for tightening the water budgets based on outdoor residential use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individual residents won’t be regulated — only suppliers, who must meet their conservation targets or face fines or other penalties. The costs of complying through 2050 are now estimated at $4.7 billion — which is largely expected to be passed onto ratepayers — but water agencies and their customers will also save about $6.2 billion, in large part from buying less water, \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/water_issues/programs/conservation_portal/regs/docs/2024/sria.pdf\">according to the agency’s analysis (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water board staff estimate that through 2040, the measures will save 1.7 million acre-feet — enough to supply almost half the state’s population for a year. That’s about 73% less than the earlier proposal, which would have saved 6.3 million acre-feet through 2040, staff told CalMatters. Through 2050, the savings could reach about 3.9 million acre-feet — more than a year’s supply for the state’s entire population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local water providers told the board that the targets would still be difficult to meet and warned that the costs could hit lower- and fixed-income members of their communities especially hard. They urged the board to provide more technical assistance and funding. Still, many applauded the changes, which they said will soften impacts to customers and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Water suppliers will need to develop and implement new programs that require long-term customer behavior change and significant investments,” Chelsea Haines of the Association of California Water Agencies, which represents more than 450 public agencies, told CalMatters. “It’s an unprecedented approach that will require a level of commitment that we’ve never seen before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, environmental groups and lawmakers say the weakened rules reduce and delay the water conservation that the drought-plagued state needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Failing to prepare is preparing to fail,” said Heather Cooley, director of research at the Pacific Institute, a global water think-tank. “While surface reservoirs are full now, I think there’s a tendency to forget about water scarcity and drought.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The authors of the bills that required mandatory conservation rules — former state Sen. Bob Hertzberg and Assemblymember Laura Friedman from Burbank — \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2024-03-28/california-water-conservation-state-law-drought\">said in a March opinion piece that the water board’s changes\u003c/a> “trample on the hard-won work that’s been done so far by allowing water utilities until 2035 or later to implement meaningful reductions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State Water Resources Control Board has decided to kick the can of California’s water future down the road at a time when we can least afford such inaction,” Friedman told CalMatters after the vote, adding that California must invest more in water efficiency or be forced to spend billions on wastewater recycling and desalination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water board Chairman \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/about_us/board_members/\">Joaquin Esquivel\u003c/a> said, “This is not a perfect regulation. We can never have a perfect regulation. But it is a significant one and moves us into a direction here into the future that we can all be proud of — and that is nation-leading.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The arc of conservation in this state has been an incredible one. Californians know that conservation is critical,” he said during the meeting. “What this creates is really a floor. And importantly, it’s not a policy in isolation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the rules were changed multiple times before they came up for a vote on Wednesday, the fundamental concept remains the same. Each local agency’s water budget is calculated from a combination of standards for indoor and outdoor water use at residences, certain commercial landscapes and losses like leaks. Other factors, such as livestock and recycled water, are also taken into account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suppliers must meet targets through a combination of rebates encouraging thriftier landscapes and appliances and rate changes penalizing thirstier water users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A previous, more stringent version of the rule carried the hefty price tag of around \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/water/2023/10/california-water-conservation/\">$13.5 billion\u003c/a> from lost revenues and the costs of funding rebates, infrastructure improvements and other conservation measures. The benefits of having to buy less water or scrounge for expensive new supplies were tallied at around $15.6 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11928042,news_11923873,news_11918450"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the time, the state’s Legislative Analyst questioned \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/01/california-new-water-conservation-rules-analyst-report/\">whether the costs were truly worth the benefits\u003c/a>. “These doubts are particularly worrisome given we find that suppliers will face notable challenges complying with these requirements,” a January report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the water board staff told CalMatters that the staggering costs and elevated benefits were partly due to an accounting error. Combined with policy changes and new data, the latest cost estimate is about $4.7 billion, while the benefits will drop to about $6.2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water regulators revised the proposal to delay enforcement of the conservation targets by two years until 2027 and extend the deadline for ramping down outdoor water use by five years, starting in 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rules also provide alternatives for the water suppliers that must make substantial cuts. Those required to reduce use by more than 20%, and who serve communities with household incomes below the state median, could cut use by only 1% per year and still comply, provided they meet other requirements. Those facing cuts of more than 30% could cut use by only 2% per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a third of suppliers serving about 42% of the state’s population will not need to change their water use to meet the 2035 standards — up from 18% under a previous version, according to state data. And 31%, serving about 12.5 million people, will be able to continue their current practices through 2040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has called for Californians in cities and towns to cut water use by about 500,000 acre-feet a year starting by 2030. Under the new rules, Californians are expected to save about \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/water_issues/programs/conservation_portal/regs/docs/2024/sria.pdf\">235,000 acre-feet of water a year (PDF)\u003c/a> 20 years later, in 2050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a water board analysis reported, that combined with current conservation levels and other efforts, the new rules are “estimated to save levels of water consistent with (Newsom’s) goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11993102/california-now-has-mandatory-water-conservation-in-urban-areas-how-will-the-new-rules-affect-your-supplier","authors":["byline_news_11993102"],"categories":["news_31795","news_34165","news_19906","news_8"],"tags":["news_20447","news_19204","news_20023","news_27626","news_3187","news_483"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11993103","label":"news_18481"},"news_11993029":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11993029","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11993029","score":null,"sort":[1720112406000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"a-new-bistate-initiative-could-end-illegal-fireworks-in-california-by-next-july-fourth","title":"A New Bistate Initiative Could End Illegal Fireworks in California by Next July Fourth","publishDate":1720112406,"format":"standard","headTitle":"A New Bistate Initiative Could End Illegal Fireworks in California by Next July Fourth | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>For eight years, Mike Salazar has spent Fourth of July week selling fireworks in an empty parking lot in Vernon. His truck is covered floor to ceiling with boxes of small snappers, sky rockets and $500 pre-built show packages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the Fourth, there’s been times where we’ve been able to sell out everything and be out of here by 2 o’clock,” Salazar said. “I’ll be trying to close and people stop by saying, ‘I’ll buy whatever’s left!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stand is one of hundreds across the country owned by TNT Fireworks, generating $110 million in revenue in California. It is already the country’s largest distributor of consumer fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the company is trying to get California to crack down on illegal fireworks, including those sold in Nevada — and maybe boost its sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While “safe and sane” fireworks — including sparklers, smokeballs and noisemakers — are legal in many cities throughout California, projectile and explosive fireworks are illegal everywhere in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11992781 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1409046890-scaled.jpg']So far this year, California has seized more than 120 tons of illegal fireworks, which is “well above” average, state Fire Marshal Daniel Berlant said in a press conference Tuesday. Last month, police seized 75 tons of illegal fireworks from a warehouse in Gardena — the largest bust in California’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a glaring, shocking example of how the problem has grown to such proportions that there is so much more out there in this state, that something has to be done about it,” said Dennis Revell, CEO of Revell Communications, which represents TNT Fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every Fourth of July, police and fire departments \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/07/02/an-uphill-battle-as-southern-california-cities-try-to-combat-illegal-fourth-of-july-fireworks/\">get swamped with calls about illegal fireworks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revell said that many illegal fireworks are coming from stores in Nevada counties where all fireworks are legal — some just eight miles from the California border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the Los Angeles Police Department detonated 16 tons of illegal fireworks found in a South Los Angeles home, injuring 17 people and displacing residents of the neighborhood. The city just \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/la-agrees-to-21m-settlement-for-families-forced-from-homes-by-lapd-fireworks-detonation\">reached a $21 million settlement\u003c/a> with the affected families. The owner of the fireworks testified that he purchased most of them from Area 51, a store in Pahrump, Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Seeking an agreement with Nevada\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since January 2023, TNT Fireworks has spent more than $300,000 on lobbying California’s Legislature, governor’s office, fire marshal, Cal Fire and the attorney general’s office, according to the Secretary of State’s office. The company has donated nearly $7,000 to campaigns this election, including $2,000 to Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/eduardo-garcia-38\">Eduardo Garcia\u003c/a>, a Coachella Democrat and the author of \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1403?slug=CA_202320240AB1403\">Assembly Bill 1403\u003c/a>, the focus of its lobbying efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislature passed and Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill, which doubled the range of illegal firework fines. The maximum — for possessing at least 5,000 pounds — jumped from $50,000 to $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An earlier version of the bill set aside a portion of the state sales tax on “safe and sane” fireworks to fund increased statewide enforcement against illegal fireworks. The provision was removed, and that’s when Revell came up with a new plan that he proposed to a fire marshal’s advisory committee: California and Nevada should work together to stop illegal firework sales earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firework stores in Nevada are already required to log information about their customers, including their ID. Through an interstate compact, Revell said, Nevada could require stores to put this information into a state database and alert California law enforcement when a California resident buys fireworks that are illegal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is now in Berlant’s hands. He’s reviewing it, and if it moves forward, Berlant will present it to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office, which would discuss it with Nevada Gov. Joe Lombardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has signed other interstate compacts, including a 2020 agreement with four Western states to curb COVID-19’s effect on the economy and a 2022 deal with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/10/06/us/west-governors-california-climate-agreement/index.html\">governors of Oregon and Washington and the premier of British Columbia\u003c/a> to combat climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of this history, Revell said he thinks Newsom will be receptive to an agreement with Nevada. “I wish there was a better solution, but it’s the best we’ve been able to come up with given the circumstances that we’re facing,” Revell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the compact requires approval from Nevada’s legislature, it is out of session until 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very short time window to try and accomplish this, and we fully expect that the majority of Nevada firework stores will fight that effort if it requires any legislation, because of the potential impact it could have on their business,” Revell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Same concerns, smaller scale\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some California cities, fireworks are completely banned — even those labeled “safe and sane.” Among these cities are Los Angeles, San Diego and Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Located just outside Los Angeles, Vernon has only 222 residents, according to the 2020 Census. But Salazar — treasurer of the Rotary Club of Rio Hondo-Vernon — said his fireworks cart makes about $12,000 to $15,000 each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our advantage is we get a lot of people that come from the Valley, over there it’s illegal,” Salazar said. “We’re literally the first one off the freeways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993031\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11993031 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Salazar of the Rotary Club at a ‘Safe and Sane’ fireworks stand in the City of Vernon on July 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salazar said “safe and sane” fireworks should be legal throughout the state. Many TNT stands are operated by nonprofits — such as the Rotary Club — that split the proceeds with the company. Under AB 1403, cities that allow the sale of legal fireworks collect 7% of profits to put toward local efforts to combat illegal fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only do you take away from most of the nonprofits in the area that could generate a decent amount of money and do some good in the community,” Salazar said, “but you’re also losing that tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Perfect recipe for a disaster’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, fireworks safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And state fire officials are warning Californians about the dangers of setting off fireworks in the middle of a triple-digit heat wave when the wildfire risk is already elevated. Red flag warnings are in place in seven California counties, and two wildfires broke out Tuesday morning in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tuesday’s press conference, state fire officials said that some “safe and sane” fireworks, such as sparklers, can get as hot as 12,000 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians who use “safe and sane” fireworks this holiday should avoid setting them off near flammable objects or vegetation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dry grass, the vegetation across the state, coupled with triple-digit temperatures and the wind is a perfect recipe for a disaster,” Berlant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data journalist \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeremia-kimelman/\">\u003cem>Jeremia Kimelman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The biggest US seller of legal fireworks wants the state to sign a deal with Nevada to stop illegal fireworks from crossing the border. The state fire marshal warns of fireworks danger this July Fourth during the heat wave.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1720198001,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":32,"wordCount":1252},"headData":{"title":"A New Bistate Initiative Could End Illegal Fireworks in California by Next July Fourth | KQED","description":"The biggest US seller of legal fireworks wants the state to sign a deal with Nevada to stop illegal fireworks from crossing the border. The state fire marshal warns of fireworks danger this July Fourth during the heat wave.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"A New Bistate Initiative Could End Illegal Fireworks in California by Next July Fourth","datePublished":"2024-07-04T10:00:06-07:00","dateModified":"2024-07-05T09:46:41-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jenna-peterson/\">Jenna Peterson\u003c/a>, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11993029","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11993029/a-new-bistate-initiative-could-end-illegal-fireworks-in-california-by-next-july-fourth","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For eight years, Mike Salazar has spent Fourth of July week selling fireworks in an empty parking lot in Vernon. His truck is covered floor to ceiling with boxes of small snappers, sky rockets and $500 pre-built show packages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the Fourth, there’s been times where we’ve been able to sell out everything and be out of here by 2 o’clock,” Salazar said. “I’ll be trying to close and people stop by saying, ‘I’ll buy whatever’s left!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stand is one of hundreds across the country owned by TNT Fireworks, generating $110 million in revenue in California. It is already the country’s largest distributor of consumer fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the company is trying to get California to crack down on illegal fireworks, including those sold in Nevada — and maybe boost its sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While “safe and sane” fireworks — including sparklers, smokeballs and noisemakers — are legal in many cities throughout California, projectile and explosive fireworks are illegal everywhere in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11992781","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1409046890-scaled.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>So far this year, California has seized more than 120 tons of illegal fireworks, which is “well above” average, state Fire Marshal Daniel Berlant said in a press conference Tuesday. Last month, police seized 75 tons of illegal fireworks from a warehouse in Gardena — the largest bust in California’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a glaring, shocking example of how the problem has grown to such proportions that there is so much more out there in this state, that something has to be done about it,” said Dennis Revell, CEO of Revell Communications, which represents TNT Fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every Fourth of July, police and fire departments \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/07/02/an-uphill-battle-as-southern-california-cities-try-to-combat-illegal-fourth-of-july-fireworks/\">get swamped with calls about illegal fireworks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revell said that many illegal fireworks are coming from stores in Nevada counties where all fireworks are legal — some just eight miles from the California border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the Los Angeles Police Department detonated 16 tons of illegal fireworks found in a South Los Angeles home, injuring 17 people and displacing residents of the neighborhood. The city just \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/la-agrees-to-21m-settlement-for-families-forced-from-homes-by-lapd-fireworks-detonation\">reached a $21 million settlement\u003c/a> with the affected families. The owner of the fireworks testified that he purchased most of them from Area 51, a store in Pahrump, Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Seeking an agreement with Nevada\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since January 2023, TNT Fireworks has spent more than $300,000 on lobbying California’s Legislature, governor’s office, fire marshal, Cal Fire and the attorney general’s office, according to the Secretary of State’s office. The company has donated nearly $7,000 to campaigns this election, including $2,000 to Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/eduardo-garcia-38\">Eduardo Garcia\u003c/a>, a Coachella Democrat and the author of \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1403?slug=CA_202320240AB1403\">Assembly Bill 1403\u003c/a>, the focus of its lobbying efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislature passed and Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill, which doubled the range of illegal firework fines. The maximum — for possessing at least 5,000 pounds — jumped from $50,000 to $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An earlier version of the bill set aside a portion of the state sales tax on “safe and sane” fireworks to fund increased statewide enforcement against illegal fireworks. The provision was removed, and that’s when Revell came up with a new plan that he proposed to a fire marshal’s advisory committee: California and Nevada should work together to stop illegal firework sales earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firework stores in Nevada are already required to log information about their customers, including their ID. Through an interstate compact, Revell said, Nevada could require stores to put this information into a state database and alert California law enforcement when a California resident buys fireworks that are illegal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is now in Berlant’s hands. He’s reviewing it, and if it moves forward, Berlant will present it to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office, which would discuss it with Nevada Gov. Joe Lombardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has signed other interstate compacts, including a 2020 agreement with four Western states to curb COVID-19’s effect on the economy and a 2022 deal with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/10/06/us/west-governors-california-climate-agreement/index.html\">governors of Oregon and Washington and the premier of British Columbia\u003c/a> to combat climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of this history, Revell said he thinks Newsom will be receptive to an agreement with Nevada. “I wish there was a better solution, but it’s the best we’ve been able to come up with given the circumstances that we’re facing,” Revell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the compact requires approval from Nevada’s legislature, it is out of session until 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very short time window to try and accomplish this, and we fully expect that the majority of Nevada firework stores will fight that effort if it requires any legislation, because of the potential impact it could have on their business,” Revell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Same concerns, smaller scale\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some California cities, fireworks are completely banned — even those labeled “safe and sane.” Among these cities are Los Angeles, San Diego and Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Located just outside Los Angeles, Vernon has only 222 residents, according to the 2020 Census. But Salazar — treasurer of the Rotary Club of Rio Hondo-Vernon — said his fireworks cart makes about $12,000 to $15,000 each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our advantage is we get a lot of people that come from the Valley, over there it’s illegal,” Salazar said. “We’re literally the first one off the freeways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993031\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11993031 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/070224-Vernon-Fireworks-TS-CM-16-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Salazar of the Rotary Club at a ‘Safe and Sane’ fireworks stand in the City of Vernon on July 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salazar said “safe and sane” fireworks should be legal throughout the state. Many TNT stands are operated by nonprofits — such as the Rotary Club — that split the proceeds with the company. Under AB 1403, cities that allow the sale of legal fireworks collect 7% of profits to put toward local efforts to combat illegal fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only do you take away from most of the nonprofits in the area that could generate a decent amount of money and do some good in the community,” Salazar said, “but you’re also losing that tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Perfect recipe for a disaster’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, fireworks safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And state fire officials are warning Californians about the dangers of setting off fireworks in the middle of a triple-digit heat wave when the wildfire risk is already elevated. Red flag warnings are in place in seven California counties, and two wildfires broke out Tuesday morning in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tuesday’s press conference, state fire officials said that some “safe and sane” fireworks, such as sparklers, can get as hot as 12,000 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians who use “safe and sane” fireworks this holiday should avoid setting them off near flammable objects or vegetation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dry grass, the vegetation across the state, coupled with triple-digit temperatures and the wind is a perfect recipe for a disaster,” Berlant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data journalist \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeremia-kimelman/\">\u003cem>Jeremia Kimelman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11993029/a-new-bistate-initiative-could-end-illegal-fireworks-in-california-by-next-july-fourth","authors":["byline_news_11993029"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_1619","news_1616","news_3034"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11993030","label":"news_18481"},"news_11992924":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11992924","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11992924","score":null,"sort":[1720033248000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"is-the-2-billion-broadband-investment-plan-doomed-to-fail-advocacy-groups-raise-concerns","title":"Critics Fear Failure of 'Once in a Century' Broadband Investment Plan","publishDate":1720033248,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Critics Fear Failure of ‘Once in a Century’ Broadband Investment Plan | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Starting next week, California residents have 30 days to challenge maps that will determine how $1.8 billion is distributed to increase internet access in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Actually, getting the California Public Utilities Commission to accept changes to the federal maps is quite difficult, which internet access advocates with educational backgrounds are raising alarm over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, after the COVID-19 pandemic hit and teachers at the Fresno Unified School District started teaching classes remotely, Philip Neufeld started work to ensure 7,000 students could log on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neufeld, a district IT worker and member of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.tcmfresno.org/broadband\">Fresno Coalition for Digital Inclusion\u003c/a>, started noticing patterns. He heard about students going to Taco Bell and McDonald’s for Wi-Fi to do their homework, but he saw comparatively low download speeds across entire neighborhoods, disparities that reminded him of redlining, the practice of denying people housing and wealth based on their race. Neufeld and a colleague built an open-source tool to gather 14 million speed tests across Fresno over the span of two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What it shows is that it’s not just people in rural areas who have a real need for better internet,” he said. “It’s people in urban, low-income neighborhoods in apartment buildings and mobile home parks, and these patterns are showing up across multiple large cities that have higher poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data collected from students in Fresno \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/show-your-work/2022/10/19/how-we-uncovered-disparities-in-internet-deals\">mirrors “digital redlining” documented in other parts of the United States\u003c/a>. But the government won’t use data like the kind collected in Fresno to redraw a map that will decide how to distribute the money because Neufeld’s data doesn’t conform precisely to the strict challenge process that’s been put in place. That’s one of a number of ways advocacy groups say the process to challenge how funding for affordable high-speed internet is difficult. Some advocates have gone so far as to suggest the challenge process is broken by design.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Once in a century’ broadband funding\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the COVID-19 pandemic exposed areas of the digital divide — the gap between people with ready access to reliable internet and those who don’t — for students and workers, Congress passed an infrastructure bill in 2021 to invest more than $42 billion in broadband internet projects in all 50 U.S. states and six territories. California got $1.8 billion for such projects. A U.S. Department of Commerce agency oversees the program and the California Public Utilities Commission distributes the money to local projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-fcc-broadband-bead.netlify.app/cpuc-disposition?initialWidth=780&childId=pym_0&parentTitle=Internet%20access%20windfall%20at%20stake%20over%20next%20month%20-%20CalMatters&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Feconomy%2Ftechnology%2F2024%2F07%2Fbead-funding-challenge-period%2F\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government officials and advocates alike refer to the Broadband Equity Access and Deployment, or \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/beadprogram\">BEAD program\u003c/a>, as a once-in-a-generation or, as a contractor working with the California Public Utilities Commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pJCYzKeoVWM\">put it\u003c/a>, a “once-in-a-century” investment in affordable high-speed internet access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, advocates say maps compiled with data provided by internet service providers are highly inaccurate while the challenge process is short, arduous, and unfairly places the burden of proving that inaccuracy on people in areas unserved or underserved. They warn this could lead to the once-in-a-generation money being misspent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to challenge government Internet access maps\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anyone can \u003ca href=\"https://register.challenge.cpuc.ca.gov/\">visit a state online portal\u003c/a> to find out if their home or nearby community institutions are designated as eligible for funding or if the map inaccurately says they have internet access or adequate internet speed. They can use the same portal to run tests to challenge things about their home internet, like speed or latency. Successful challenges can change a home designation, but there’s no guarantee that the challenge will make a difference because only certain parties can challenge the maps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only local and tribal governments, internet service providers, and advocacy groups can demand changes to the map, and so in order for an individual who challenges claims about their internet access to be heard, one of these groups must verify the evidence gathered by an individual and claim their challenge in order for it to be recognized by state and federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among more than 80 such organizations registered to participate in the challenge process, roughly two dozen are municipal, county, or tribal governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To successfully challenge internet speeds, an individual must carry out speed tests three times a day over the span of three days and provide details. They must also subscribe to a \u003ca href=\"https://broadbandusa.ntia.gov/about-us/frequently-asked-questions/how-fast-broadband\">broadband speed plan\u003c/a> or the highest tier plan available from an internet service provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inspired by Neufeld, Oakland Undivided did a similar speed test in late 2023 in partnership with the Oakland Unified School District and HubbleIQ. There, they found that more than half of 18,000 students had download speeds that would qualify for BEAD funding and heat map patterns that resemble historical redlining. Speeds are 10 times better in high-income neighborhoods in the area serviced by AT&T, Comcast, Sonic, and T-Mobile, but the FCC map shows that adequate coverage is nearly ubiquitous throughout the city of Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been talking with a lot of other digital equity coalitions around the state in Fresno, LA, and we kind of all agree that this process is designed to make it impossible for communities to submit data,” said Patrick Messac, director of Oakland Undivided, a nonprofit organization started during the COVID-19 pandemic that last year \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/10/california-broadband/\">critiqued a map for distributing billions of dollars for a state broadband program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the difficulty in collecting speed test data, Oakland Undivided changed its focus from speed tests and the challenge process to seeking greater internet availability for community institutions. But Messac, who also works in IT for the city of Oakland, worries that the federal broadband dollars could get depleted before places like schools, libraries, and Head Start centers would be in line for funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are finding, and others have noted as well, is that the National Map overstates coverage,” said Adeyinka Ogunlegan, the vice president of government affairs and policy for EducationSuperhighway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That group is focused on improving internet speeds in apartment buildings since roughly 1 in 4 people without internet access live there. It’s one of the only organizations nationwide planning to mount challenges in all 50 U.S. states, with 800 planned challenges in California alone. EducationSuperhighway is also choosing to focus on availability challenges instead of speed tests. Ogunlegan wouldn’t go so far as to say the challenge process is designed to fail but said it’s difficult for organized groups that have followed the process for years to participate, so it must be challenging for the average individual as well. Making people call internet service providers instead of using an online tool, for example, makes it harder to gather evidence that an internet provider does not offer services at your address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Windhausen is executive director of Schools, Health, and Libraries Broadband Coalition, a nonprofit organization with hundreds of member groups. He’s hearing from members that the challenge process is very difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are concerned that internet service providers allege that they serve areas, but many locations cannot receive the level of service required by the BEAD program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexis Schrubbe is director of the Internet Equity Initiative at the University of Chicago and a member of the National Broadband Mapping Coalition. She helped make an open-source tool for residents to carry out speed tests and agrees with other broadband experts who say the map for allocating the federal funding overstates coverage. She encourages anyone dissatisfied with their internet to mount a challenge and take the opportunity to participate. It can seem like a lot of labor, but it’s really not for a once-in-a-lifetime chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11989413,news_11984321,news_11982394\" label=\"Related Stories\"]“This is everybody’s best chance to have their complaint heard, so they should take advantage of it,” she said. “Don’t be afraid to ask questions, and don’t be intimidated by the process. It’s our best chance to make the maps right and to stand up and advocate for ourselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘(California) should be a leader in this space’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The challenge process for the federal money in California begins July 3 and ends Aug. 5. After the public submits challenges to the map, internet service providers get their chance to rebut those challenges. The California Public Utilities Commission expects to make final determinations by the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initiatives to narrow the digital divide started to backslide in recent months, with the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/04/digital-divide/\">loss of the federal Affordable Connectivity Program subsidy in April\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more positive news, 10 affordable broadband projects \u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Published/G000/M534/K761/534761657.PDF\">received initial approval\u003c/a> last week. The public utilities commission is slated to make a final decision with a vote in August. Also, last week, the Federal Communications Commission said it plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.fcc.gov/document/modernizing-e-rate-support-wi-fi-hotspots\">modernize its E-Rate program\u003c/a>. A change, if adopted at a July 18 meeting, would allow more schools access to funding to loan students Wi-Fi hotspots for use at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both internet service providers and groups passionate about ending the digital divide are campaigning for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2239\">AB 2239\u003c/a>, a draft bill that defines digital discrimination to broadband internet access and allows city attorneys and district attorneys to file suit against internet service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the challenge process turns out that Neufeld wants state education groups to continue to routinely run speed tests on devices loaned to students. If anonymized and made into a formal process, the tests could inform broadband investments or prove patterns of neglect that can lead to legal action under AB 2239 to hold internet service providers accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We [California] should be a leader in this space,” he said. “There’s no reason at a state level that we couldn’t have a better way of mapping users’ real experience.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Nearly $2 billion in broadband funding is at stake in the next 30 days, but advocacy groups say the challenge process is designed to fail.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1720035872,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"iframeSrcs":["https://calmatters-fcc-broadband-bead.netlify.app/cpuc-disposition"],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":31,"wordCount":1679},"headData":{"title":"Critics Fear Failure of 'Once in a Century' Broadband Investment Plan | KQED","description":"Nearly $2 billion in broadband funding is at stake in the next 30 days, but advocacy groups say the challenge process is designed to fail.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Critics Fear Failure of 'Once in a Century' Broadband Investment Plan","datePublished":"2024-07-03T12:00:48-07:00","dateModified":"2024-07-03T12:44:32-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Khari Johnson, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11992924","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11992924/is-the-2-billion-broadband-investment-plan-doomed-to-fail-advocacy-groups-raise-concerns","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Starting next week, California residents have 30 days to challenge maps that will determine how $1.8 billion is distributed to increase internet access in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Actually, getting the California Public Utilities Commission to accept changes to the federal maps is quite difficult, which internet access advocates with educational backgrounds are raising alarm over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, after the COVID-19 pandemic hit and teachers at the Fresno Unified School District started teaching classes remotely, Philip Neufeld started work to ensure 7,000 students could log on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neufeld, a district IT worker and member of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.tcmfresno.org/broadband\">Fresno Coalition for Digital Inclusion\u003c/a>, started noticing patterns. He heard about students going to Taco Bell and McDonald’s for Wi-Fi to do their homework, but he saw comparatively low download speeds across entire neighborhoods, disparities that reminded him of redlining, the practice of denying people housing and wealth based on their race. Neufeld and a colleague built an open-source tool to gather 14 million speed tests across Fresno over the span of two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What it shows is that it’s not just people in rural areas who have a real need for better internet,” he said. “It’s people in urban, low-income neighborhoods in apartment buildings and mobile home parks, and these patterns are showing up across multiple large cities that have higher poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data collected from students in Fresno \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/show-your-work/2022/10/19/how-we-uncovered-disparities-in-internet-deals\">mirrors “digital redlining” documented in other parts of the United States\u003c/a>. But the government won’t use data like the kind collected in Fresno to redraw a map that will decide how to distribute the money because Neufeld’s data doesn’t conform precisely to the strict challenge process that’s been put in place. That’s one of a number of ways advocacy groups say the process to challenge how funding for affordable high-speed internet is difficult. Some advocates have gone so far as to suggest the challenge process is broken by design.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Once in a century’ broadband funding\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the COVID-19 pandemic exposed areas of the digital divide — the gap between people with ready access to reliable internet and those who don’t — for students and workers, Congress passed an infrastructure bill in 2021 to invest more than $42 billion in broadband internet projects in all 50 U.S. states and six territories. California got $1.8 billion for such projects. A U.S. Department of Commerce agency oversees the program and the California Public Utilities Commission distributes the money to local projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-fcc-broadband-bead.netlify.app/cpuc-disposition?initialWidth=780&childId=pym_0&parentTitle=Internet%20access%20windfall%20at%20stake%20over%20next%20month%20-%20CalMatters&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Feconomy%2Ftechnology%2F2024%2F07%2Fbead-funding-challenge-period%2F\" width=\"800\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government officials and advocates alike refer to the Broadband Equity Access and Deployment, or \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/beadprogram\">BEAD program\u003c/a>, as a once-in-a-generation or, as a contractor working with the California Public Utilities Commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pJCYzKeoVWM\">put it\u003c/a>, a “once-in-a-century” investment in affordable high-speed internet access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, advocates say maps compiled with data provided by internet service providers are highly inaccurate while the challenge process is short, arduous, and unfairly places the burden of proving that inaccuracy on people in areas unserved or underserved. They warn this could lead to the once-in-a-generation money being misspent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to challenge government Internet access maps\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anyone can \u003ca href=\"https://register.challenge.cpuc.ca.gov/\">visit a state online portal\u003c/a> to find out if their home or nearby community institutions are designated as eligible for funding or if the map inaccurately says they have internet access or adequate internet speed. They can use the same portal to run tests to challenge things about their home internet, like speed or latency. Successful challenges can change a home designation, but there’s no guarantee that the challenge will make a difference because only certain parties can challenge the maps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only local and tribal governments, internet service providers, and advocacy groups can demand changes to the map, and so in order for an individual who challenges claims about their internet access to be heard, one of these groups must verify the evidence gathered by an individual and claim their challenge in order for it to be recognized by state and federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among more than 80 such organizations registered to participate in the challenge process, roughly two dozen are municipal, county, or tribal governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To successfully challenge internet speeds, an individual must carry out speed tests three times a day over the span of three days and provide details. They must also subscribe to a \u003ca href=\"https://broadbandusa.ntia.gov/about-us/frequently-asked-questions/how-fast-broadband\">broadband speed plan\u003c/a> or the highest tier plan available from an internet service provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inspired by Neufeld, Oakland Undivided did a similar speed test in late 2023 in partnership with the Oakland Unified School District and HubbleIQ. There, they found that more than half of 18,000 students had download speeds that would qualify for BEAD funding and heat map patterns that resemble historical redlining. Speeds are 10 times better in high-income neighborhoods in the area serviced by AT&T, Comcast, Sonic, and T-Mobile, but the FCC map shows that adequate coverage is nearly ubiquitous throughout the city of Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been talking with a lot of other digital equity coalitions around the state in Fresno, LA, and we kind of all agree that this process is designed to make it impossible for communities to submit data,” said Patrick Messac, director of Oakland Undivided, a nonprofit organization started during the COVID-19 pandemic that last year \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/10/california-broadband/\">critiqued a map for distributing billions of dollars for a state broadband program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the difficulty in collecting speed test data, Oakland Undivided changed its focus from speed tests and the challenge process to seeking greater internet availability for community institutions. But Messac, who also works in IT for the city of Oakland, worries that the federal broadband dollars could get depleted before places like schools, libraries, and Head Start centers would be in line for funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are finding, and others have noted as well, is that the National Map overstates coverage,” said Adeyinka Ogunlegan, the vice president of government affairs and policy for EducationSuperhighway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That group is focused on improving internet speeds in apartment buildings since roughly 1 in 4 people without internet access live there. It’s one of the only organizations nationwide planning to mount challenges in all 50 U.S. states, with 800 planned challenges in California alone. EducationSuperhighway is also choosing to focus on availability challenges instead of speed tests. Ogunlegan wouldn’t go so far as to say the challenge process is designed to fail but said it’s difficult for organized groups that have followed the process for years to participate, so it must be challenging for the average individual as well. Making people call internet service providers instead of using an online tool, for example, makes it harder to gather evidence that an internet provider does not offer services at your address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Windhausen is executive director of Schools, Health, and Libraries Broadband Coalition, a nonprofit organization with hundreds of member groups. He’s hearing from members that the challenge process is very difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are concerned that internet service providers allege that they serve areas, but many locations cannot receive the level of service required by the BEAD program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexis Schrubbe is director of the Internet Equity Initiative at the University of Chicago and a member of the National Broadband Mapping Coalition. She helped make an open-source tool for residents to carry out speed tests and agrees with other broadband experts who say the map for allocating the federal funding overstates coverage. She encourages anyone dissatisfied with their internet to mount a challenge and take the opportunity to participate. It can seem like a lot of labor, but it’s really not for a once-in-a-lifetime chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11989413,news_11984321,news_11982394","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is everybody’s best chance to have their complaint heard, so they should take advantage of it,” she said. “Don’t be afraid to ask questions, and don’t be intimidated by the process. It’s our best chance to make the maps right and to stand up and advocate for ourselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘(California) should be a leader in this space’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The challenge process for the federal money in California begins July 3 and ends Aug. 5. After the public submits challenges to the map, internet service providers get their chance to rebut those challenges. The California Public Utilities Commission expects to make final determinations by the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initiatives to narrow the digital divide started to backslide in recent months, with the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2024/04/digital-divide/\">loss of the federal Affordable Connectivity Program subsidy in April\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more positive news, 10 affordable broadband projects \u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Published/G000/M534/K761/534761657.PDF\">received initial approval\u003c/a> last week. The public utilities commission is slated to make a final decision with a vote in August. Also, last week, the Federal Communications Commission said it plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.fcc.gov/document/modernizing-e-rate-support-wi-fi-hotspots\">modernize its E-Rate program\u003c/a>. A change, if adopted at a July 18 meeting, would allow more schools access to funding to loan students Wi-Fi hotspots for use at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both internet service providers and groups passionate about ending the digital divide are campaigning for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2239\">AB 2239\u003c/a>, a draft bill that defines digital discrimination to broadband internet access and allows city attorneys and district attorneys to file suit against internet service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the challenge process turns out that Neufeld wants state education groups to continue to routinely run speed tests on devices loaned to students. If anonymized and made into a formal process, the tests could inform broadband investments or prove patterns of neglect that can lead to legal action under AB 2239 to hold internet service providers accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We [California] should be a leader in this space,” he said. “There’s no reason at a state level that we couldn’t have a better way of mapping users’ real experience.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11992924/is-the-2-billion-broadband-investment-plan-doomed-to-fail-advocacy-groups-raise-concerns","authors":["byline_news_11992924"],"categories":["news_8","news_248"],"tags":["news_19179","news_22057","news_33383","news_31079"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11992926","label":"news_18481"},"news_11992853":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11992853","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11992853","score":null,"sort":[1720004414000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"proposed-10-billion-bond-could-favor-wealthier-school-districts-critics-argue","title":"Proposed $10 Billion Bond Could Favor Wealthier School Districts, Critics Argue","publishDate":1720004414,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Proposed $10 Billion Bond Could Favor Wealthier School Districts, Critics Argue | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>As lawmakers finalize a school facilities bond for the November ballot, some superintendents from lower-income and small districts say the proposal leaves them with an all-too-familiar feeling: underfunded and overlooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I mad? Yeah, I am very mad,” said Gudiel Crosthwaite, superintendent of Lynwood Unified, in a lower-income area in Los Angeles County. “California has a responsibility to educate its children, regardless of where they live. This bond favors larger, higher-wealth districts at the expense of districts like ours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers struck a deal late Saturday night on \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab247?slug=CA_202320240AB247\">Assembly Bill 247\u003c/a>, a $10 billion bond that would pay for repairs and upgrades at K–12 schools and community colleges throughout the state. Schools desperately need the money: The current fund for school repairs is nearly empty and the voters rejected the state’s last school facilities bond in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone agrees on the need for money to fix dry rot and build new science labs. However, some superintendents, as well as the civil rights law firm Public Advocates, had been pushing for a more equitable way to distribute the money. Currently, the state doles out facilities funding through 50–50 matching grants, so districts that can raise a lot of money locally — typically, higher-income areas — can get more state money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Advocates has threatened to sue California if it doesn’t adopt a wider sliding scale for distributing the money. The current deal does include a sliding scale, but it’s only from 60% to 65%, not the 5% to 90% that Public Advocates wanted. Under the deal’s scale, the state’s wealthiest districts would only get slightly less than its poorest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, under the current proposal, schools could get more money if they hire union contractors for their construction projects. That would give an edge to urban areas, where union labor is easier to find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooke Patton, spokeswoman for the State Building and Trades Council of California, said hiring union workers would benefit any school project because the workers are highly trained and efficient. Union projects also include apprentices, who may be from the local community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only does California end up with new school facilities, but also a new generation of workers who can afford to live in California and contribute to our economy for years to come — a worthy investment of public funds,” Patton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill still needs to pass both houses with a two-thirds majority and be signed by the governor this week. To go into effect, it needs approval from a simple majority of voters in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s a compromise’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the bill doesn’t satisfy every need for California’s schools, some education advocates said this week that it’s better than nothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not perfect; it’s a compromise,” said Derick Lennox, senior director at California County Superintendents, representing school administrators and supporting the bill. “(The bond) takes incremental, important steps toward equity that will do a lot of good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill includes some help for smaller and low-income districts, such as providing extra money to hire project managers and expanding the number of districts that qualify for hardship funds. It also sets aside 10% of the money for small districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California School Boards Association also supports the bill, along with a companion bill, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2831?slug=CA_202320240AB2831\">AB 2831\u003c/a>, sponsored by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/josh-hoover-165420\">Josh Hoover\u003c/a>, a Republican from Folsom, that would provide more relief for small and low-income districts if the school bond passes in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more than sympathetic to the needs of small districts,” association spokesperson Troy Flint said. “But times are tight, and we feel it’s crucial to get a school bond on the ballot. … It’s not what we need, but it’s what we could get. Now we have to focus on getting it passed for the health and safety of California students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Old heaters, outdated kitchens, no AC\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trinity County Superintendent Fabio Robles said that some of the schools in his county are so dilapidated that any money is welcome. Passing local bonds is almost impossible, he said, because the county is so poor. So, schools are almost totally reliant on the state for repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11989857,mindshift_64123,news_11991798\"]In Lewiston, the gym has no air conditioning and the kitchen dates from the 1950s, Robles said. At Van Duzen Elementary, a small K–8 school in the mountains, the heater is 40 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Would a 5%–90% sliding scale have been better? Yes. But what’s being proposed now will be a big help to us,” Robles said. “I’ll take that any day of the week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Lynwood, Crosthwaite said he’s tired of low-income students having to put up with broken air conditioners and leaky roofs while their more affluent peers enjoy state-of-the-art facilities. His district, for example, is going to ask voters this fall to approve a bond for $80 million. Across town, Pasadena Unified is moving forward with a $900 million school facilities bond. If the state offers matching grants, Pasadena will get even more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, students in Lynwood Unified lack basic facilities, he said. A middle school has only a blacktop, no green space. An elementary school lacks hot water. The district doesn’t have enough performance spaces or science labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our kids think this is normal. It should not be ‘normal,’” Crosthwaite said. “In California, we call ourselves progressive, but we need to take a hard look at how we allocate our resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Small and lower-income school officials say the bond measure deal is unfair. The money is allocated through matching grants, so wealthier districts that can raise more local funds will get more from the state.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1719957148,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":22,"wordCount":981},"headData":{"title":"Proposed $10 Billion Bond Could Favor Wealthier School Districts, Critics Argue | KQED","description":"Small and lower-income school officials say the bond measure deal is unfair. The money is allocated through matching grants, so wealthier districts that can raise more local funds will get more from the state.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Proposed $10 Billion Bond Could Favor Wealthier School Districts, Critics Argue","datePublished":"2024-07-03T04:00:14-07:00","dateModified":"2024-07-02T14:52:28-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/carolyn-jones/\">Carolyn Jones\u003c/a>, CalMatters","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11992853/proposed-10-billion-bond-could-favor-wealthier-school-districts-critics-argue","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As lawmakers finalize a school facilities bond for the November ballot, some superintendents from lower-income and small districts say the proposal leaves them with an all-too-familiar feeling: underfunded and overlooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I mad? Yeah, I am very mad,” said Gudiel Crosthwaite, superintendent of Lynwood Unified, in a lower-income area in Los Angeles County. “California has a responsibility to educate its children, regardless of where they live. This bond favors larger, higher-wealth districts at the expense of districts like ours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers struck a deal late Saturday night on \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab247?slug=CA_202320240AB247\">Assembly Bill 247\u003c/a>, a $10 billion bond that would pay for repairs and upgrades at K–12 schools and community colleges throughout the state. Schools desperately need the money: The current fund for school repairs is nearly empty and the voters rejected the state’s last school facilities bond in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone agrees on the need for money to fix dry rot and build new science labs. However, some superintendents, as well as the civil rights law firm Public Advocates, had been pushing for a more equitable way to distribute the money. Currently, the state doles out facilities funding through 50–50 matching grants, so districts that can raise a lot of money locally — typically, higher-income areas — can get more state money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Advocates has threatened to sue California if it doesn’t adopt a wider sliding scale for distributing the money. The current deal does include a sliding scale, but it’s only from 60% to 65%, not the 5% to 90% that Public Advocates wanted. Under the deal’s scale, the state’s wealthiest districts would only get slightly less than its poorest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, under the current proposal, schools could get more money if they hire union contractors for their construction projects. That would give an edge to urban areas, where union labor is easier to find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooke Patton, spokeswoman for the State Building and Trades Council of California, said hiring union workers would benefit any school project because the workers are highly trained and efficient. Union projects also include apprentices, who may be from the local community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only does California end up with new school facilities, but also a new generation of workers who can afford to live in California and contribute to our economy for years to come — a worthy investment of public funds,” Patton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill still needs to pass both houses with a two-thirds majority and be signed by the governor this week. To go into effect, it needs approval from a simple majority of voters in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s a compromise’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the bill doesn’t satisfy every need for California’s schools, some education advocates said this week that it’s better than nothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not perfect; it’s a compromise,” said Derick Lennox, senior director at California County Superintendents, representing school administrators and supporting the bill. “(The bond) takes incremental, important steps toward equity that will do a lot of good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill includes some help for smaller and low-income districts, such as providing extra money to hire project managers and expanding the number of districts that qualify for hardship funds. It also sets aside 10% of the money for small districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California School Boards Association also supports the bill, along with a companion bill, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2831?slug=CA_202320240AB2831\">AB 2831\u003c/a>, sponsored by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/josh-hoover-165420\">Josh Hoover\u003c/a>, a Republican from Folsom, that would provide more relief for small and low-income districts if the school bond passes in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re more than sympathetic to the needs of small districts,” association spokesperson Troy Flint said. “But times are tight, and we feel it’s crucial to get a school bond on the ballot. … It’s not what we need, but it’s what we could get. Now we have to focus on getting it passed for the health and safety of California students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Old heaters, outdated kitchens, no AC\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trinity County Superintendent Fabio Robles said that some of the schools in his county are so dilapidated that any money is welcome. Passing local bonds is almost impossible, he said, because the county is so poor. So, schools are almost totally reliant on the state for repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11989857,mindshift_64123,news_11991798"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Lewiston, the gym has no air conditioning and the kitchen dates from the 1950s, Robles said. At Van Duzen Elementary, a small K–8 school in the mountains, the heater is 40 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Would a 5%–90% sliding scale have been better? Yes. But what’s being proposed now will be a big help to us,” Robles said. “I’ll take that any day of the week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Lynwood, Crosthwaite said he’s tired of low-income students having to put up with broken air conditioners and leaky roofs while their more affluent peers enjoy state-of-the-art facilities. His district, for example, is going to ask voters this fall to approve a bond for $80 million. Across town, Pasadena Unified is moving forward with a $900 million school facilities bond. If the state offers matching grants, Pasadena will get even more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, students in Lynwood Unified lack basic facilities, he said. A middle school has only a blacktop, no green space. An elementary school lacks hot water. The district doesn’t have enough performance spaces or science labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our kids think this is normal. It should not be ‘normal,’” Crosthwaite said. “In California, we call ourselves progressive, but we need to take a hard look at how we allocate our resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11992853/proposed-10-billion-bond-could-favor-wealthier-school-districts-critics-argue","authors":["byline_news_11992853"],"categories":["news_31795","news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_30911","news_20013"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11992854","label":"news_18481"},"news_11992677":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11992677","meta":{"index":"posts_1716263798","site":"news","id":"11992677","score":null,"sort":[1719867631000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"nightclub-owner-turned-lawmaker-fights-drink-spiking-with-new-bills","title":"Nightclub Owner Turned Lawmaker Fights Drink Spiking With New Bills","publishDate":1719867631,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Nightclub Owner Turned Lawmaker Fights Drink Spiking With New Bills | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Across California, hundreds of bar owners have been hanging signs that read, “Don’t get roofied! Drink spiking drug test kits available here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they don’t post the signs — or if they don’t have kits available for patrons to test their drinks to determine if they’ve been drugged — the proprietors run the risk of state fines or having their liquor licenses suspended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.abc.ca.gov/type-48-licenses-new-signage-and-product-requirements-take-effect-july-1-2024/\">The new requirements\u003c/a> for the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-03-26/drug-testing-kits-to-be-offered-to-patrons-in-california-bars-this-summer\">2,400 bars and nightclubs\u003c/a> take effect on Monday, thanks \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1013?slug=CA_202320240AB1013\">to a law that Gov. Gavin Newsom signed last year\u003c/a>. Its lead author is Long Beach Democratic Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal, a former nightclub owner currently a partner in three Southern California restaurants serving alcohol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not Lowenthal’s only anti-drink spiking legislation. He has three other anti-drink spiking bills pending in the Legislature that would add new requirements for alcohol servers. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2375?slug=CA_202320240AB2375\">One would require\u003c/a> bars to provide cups with lids on them at a customer’s request. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2402?slug=CA_202320240AB2402\">Another would require \u003c/a>the state’s Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control to include mandatory training for alcohol servers to spot drink spiking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2389\">A third bill\u003c/a> is potentially the most controversial. It would require employees, if they believe a customer has been drugged from a spiked drink, to call police, follow the 911 dispatcher’s instructions and “monitor” the customer until law enforcement or an ambulance crew arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal told CalMatters last week that his legislation seeks to address a rise in drink-spiking that has “gotten to crisis proportions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bars need to be involved,” he said during a break from Thursday’s Assembly floor session. “Alcohol companies need to be involved. Patrons need to be involved looking out for each other. We need to be talking about it and creating this level of prevention. Because once somebody’s drink has already been spiked, it’s too late. So what can we do to prevent it from happening?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm numbers about the prevalence of drink spiking are hard to come by, and research that’s available is based on surveys and anecdotes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey published in \u003ca href=\"https://www.eurekalert.org/news-releases/608100\">2016 in the American Psychological Association’s journal “Psychology of Violence”\u003c/a> found that 8% of 6,064 students surveyed at three universities believed they’d been slipped drugs. Eighteen percent of more than 45,000 respondents in a 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.globaldrugsurvey.com/downloads/2022DrinkSpike.pdf\">global survey from a London-based research firm\u003c/a> reported that they had been drugged. The same survey noted that 92% of the victims didn’t report their suspicions to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Lowenthal’s office, the Long Beach Police Department receives around \u003ca href=\"https://lbpost.com/news/new-long-beach-program-and-proposed-state-legislation-aim-to-combat-drugged-drinks/\">25 reports of drink spiking a year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992680\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg\" alt='A white man wearing a business suit stands at a podium with a microphone and a banner behind him that reads \"Goods Movement Training Campus.\"' width=\"1024\" height=\"662\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-800x517.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-1020x659.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-160x103.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal speaks at a press conference in Wilmington on Friday, March 24, 2023, announcing the joint workforce training center plan to serve both the Port of Los Angeles and the Port of Long Beach. \u003ccite>(Brittany Murray/MediaNews Group/Long Beach Press-Telegram via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal said the lack of data is due in part to the nature of the drugs. They cause severe short-term memory lapses, and the drugs typically fade from the human body after a few hours. It’s a combination that makes it difficult for a victim to remember what happened and that leaves behind no evidence for investigators to find, \u003ca href=\"https://whickhampractice.nhs.uk/drink-spiking#:~:text=It%20is%20important%20you%20are,body%20within%2012%20%E2%80%93%2072%20hours.\">experts say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t see them,” Lowenthal said. “You can’t taste them. You can’t smell them, and they leave the body within 24 hours, so you can’t even test that it’s in somebody’s system if they’d been roofied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(“Roofied” is a slang term used to describe someone whose drink has been spiked with the most notorious date-rape drug, Rohypnol.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s bill requiring bars to post notices and provide drink-spiking test kits advanced to Newsom’s desk without a single lawmaker voting “no” and without any formal opposition, including from lobbyists representing bars and restaurants, according to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/\">the Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal’s other three bills have advanced from the Assembly to the state Senate in the same fashion and without any opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes the bill requiring employees to monitor someone suspected of being drugged until police or medics arrive. Lowenthal argues it’s important for the employees to keep an eye on a victim so they don’t leave with their would-be rapist who drugged them. His bill, however, wouldn’t penalize a bar employee or liquor license holder if a drugged person leaves before help arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember Mike Gipson told Lowenthal he was glad to see the measure earlier this spring when the bill was before the Assembly Governmental Organization Committee, which handles alcohol and gambling legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gipson, \u003ca href=\"https://spectrumnews1.com/ca/la-west/inside-the-issues/2020/10/13/asm--mike-gipson-wants-to-keep-his-seat-in-the-california-state-assembly-\">a former police officer\u003c/a> from Gardena, told the committee his cousin had died after a drug-induced robbery. Gipson told CalMatters that an autopsy found so much Rohypnol and alcohol in his cousin’s body that the coroner believed it had caused him to stop breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibson said he supports “anything that we can do in this space to make it safe.” He added that bar patrons need to be on guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have to leave a drink, take it with you to the bathroom,” \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257795?t=632&f=18585adfc4a13ed42d75d3fcc660f59f\">Gipson said\u003c/a>. “Never leave it unattended, even with people that you think you know and you think you can trust.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal, who owns restaurants that serve drinks, has introduced several bills adding requirements for bar owners and drink servers to do more to prevent drink spiking.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1719936048,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":22,"wordCount":947},"headData":{"title":"Nightclub Owner Turned Lawmaker Fights Drink Spiking With New Bills | KQED","description":"Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal, who owns restaurants that serve drinks, has introduced several bills adding requirements for bar owners and drink servers to do more to prevent drink spiking.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Nightclub Owner Turned Lawmaker Fights Drink Spiking With New Bills","datePublished":"2024-07-01T14:00:31-07:00","dateModified":"2024-07-02T09:00:48-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Ryan Sabalow, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11992677","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11992677/nightclub-owner-turned-lawmaker-fights-drink-spiking-with-new-bills","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Across California, hundreds of bar owners have been hanging signs that read, “Don’t get roofied! Drink spiking drug test kits available here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they don’t post the signs — or if they don’t have kits available for patrons to test their drinks to determine if they’ve been drugged — the proprietors run the risk of state fines or having their liquor licenses suspended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.abc.ca.gov/type-48-licenses-new-signage-and-product-requirements-take-effect-july-1-2024/\">The new requirements\u003c/a> for the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-03-26/drug-testing-kits-to-be-offered-to-patrons-in-california-bars-this-summer\">2,400 bars and nightclubs\u003c/a> take effect on Monday, thanks \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1013?slug=CA_202320240AB1013\">to a law that Gov. Gavin Newsom signed last year\u003c/a>. Its lead author is Long Beach Democratic Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal, a former nightclub owner currently a partner in three Southern California restaurants serving alcohol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not Lowenthal’s only anti-drink spiking legislation. He has three other anti-drink spiking bills pending in the Legislature that would add new requirements for alcohol servers. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2375?slug=CA_202320240AB2375\">One would require\u003c/a> bars to provide cups with lids on them at a customer’s request. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2402?slug=CA_202320240AB2402\">Another would require \u003c/a>the state’s Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control to include mandatory training for alcohol servers to spot drink spiking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2389\">A third bill\u003c/a> is potentially the most controversial. It would require employees, if they believe a customer has been drugged from a spiked drink, to call police, follow the 911 dispatcher’s instructions and “monitor” the customer until law enforcement or an ambulance crew arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal told CalMatters last week that his legislation seeks to address a rise in drink-spiking that has “gotten to crisis proportions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bars need to be involved,” he said during a break from Thursday’s Assembly floor session. “Alcohol companies need to be involved. Patrons need to be involved looking out for each other. We need to be talking about it and creating this level of prevention. Because once somebody’s drink has already been spiked, it’s too late. So what can we do to prevent it from happening?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm numbers about the prevalence of drink spiking are hard to come by, and research that’s available is based on surveys and anecdotes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey published in \u003ca href=\"https://www.eurekalert.org/news-releases/608100\">2016 in the American Psychological Association’s journal “Psychology of Violence”\u003c/a> found that 8% of 6,064 students surveyed at three universities believed they’d been slipped drugs. Eighteen percent of more than 45,000 respondents in a 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.globaldrugsurvey.com/downloads/2022DrinkSpike.pdf\">global survey from a London-based research firm\u003c/a> reported that they had been drugged. The same survey noted that 92% of the victims didn’t report their suspicions to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Lowenthal’s office, the Long Beach Police Department receives around \u003ca href=\"https://lbpost.com/news/new-long-beach-program-and-proposed-state-legislation-aim-to-combat-drugged-drinks/\">25 reports of drink spiking a year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992680\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg\" alt='A white man wearing a business suit stands at a podium with a microphone and a banner behind him that reads \"Goods Movement Training Campus.\"' width=\"1024\" height=\"662\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-800x517.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-1020x659.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1475976396-160x103.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal speaks at a press conference in Wilmington on Friday, March 24, 2023, announcing the joint workforce training center plan to serve both the Port of Los Angeles and the Port of Long Beach. \u003ccite>(Brittany Murray/MediaNews Group/Long Beach Press-Telegram via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal said the lack of data is due in part to the nature of the drugs. They cause severe short-term memory lapses, and the drugs typically fade from the human body after a few hours. It’s a combination that makes it difficult for a victim to remember what happened and that leaves behind no evidence for investigators to find, \u003ca href=\"https://whickhampractice.nhs.uk/drink-spiking#:~:text=It%20is%20important%20you%20are,body%20within%2012%20%E2%80%93%2072%20hours.\">experts say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t see them,” Lowenthal said. “You can’t taste them. You can’t smell them, and they leave the body within 24 hours, so you can’t even test that it’s in somebody’s system if they’d been roofied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(“Roofied” is a slang term used to describe someone whose drink has been spiked with the most notorious date-rape drug, Rohypnol.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s bill requiring bars to post notices and provide drink-spiking test kits advanced to Newsom’s desk without a single lawmaker voting “no” and without any formal opposition, including from lobbyists representing bars and restaurants, according to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/\">the Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lowenthal’s other three bills have advanced from the Assembly to the state Senate in the same fashion and without any opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes the bill requiring employees to monitor someone suspected of being drugged until police or medics arrive. Lowenthal argues it’s important for the employees to keep an eye on a victim so they don’t leave with their would-be rapist who drugged them. His bill, however, wouldn’t penalize a bar employee or liquor license holder if a drugged person leaves before help arrives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember Mike Gipson told Lowenthal he was glad to see the measure earlier this spring when the bill was before the Assembly Governmental Organization Committee, which handles alcohol and gambling legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gipson, \u003ca href=\"https://spectrumnews1.com/ca/la-west/inside-the-issues/2020/10/13/asm--mike-gipson-wants-to-keep-his-seat-in-the-california-state-assembly-\">a former police officer\u003c/a> from Gardena, told the committee his cousin had died after a drug-induced robbery. Gipson told CalMatters that an autopsy found so much Rohypnol and alcohol in his cousin’s body that the coroner believed it had caused him to stop breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibson said he supports “anything that we can do in this space to make it safe.” He added that bar patrons need to be on guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have to leave a drink, take it with you to the bathroom,” \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257795?t=632&f=18585adfc4a13ed42d75d3fcc660f59f\">Gipson said\u003c/a>. “Never leave it unattended, even with people that you think you know and you think you can trust.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11992677/nightclub-owner-turned-lawmaker-fights-drink-spiking-with-new-bills","authors":["byline_news_11992677"],"categories":["news_34167","news_8"],"tags":["news_20353","news_24050","news_2960","news_1527"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11992679","label":"news_18481"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. 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