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Since then, opposition to data centers has intensified; local governments across California are considering bans or moratoriums on the projects, and Newsom has promised his administration would be “leaning in” on regulations.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20260915_RichmondDataCenterRally-15.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12100065\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20260915_RichmondDataCenterRally-15.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20260915_RichmondDataCenterRally-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20260915_RichmondDataCenterRally-15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Community members cheer during a rally calling for a 45-day moratorium on new data centers, at Richmond City Hall in Richmond on Sept. 15, 2026. (Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Two bills signed by Newsom, Senate Bill 886 and Assembly Bill 2383, would require the California Public Utilities Commission to create new power rates for data centers to cover the cost of connecting the facilities to the grid and providing them with electricity. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“These are some of the nation’s strongest data center ratepayer protections — stopping Big Tech from sticking California families with the bill for their data centers while ensuring all local voices have a say on these projects and they comply with our air, water, and climate standards,” said Sen. Steve Padilla, D-San Diego, who wrote SB 886.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Newsom signed another bill written by Padilla, Senate Bill 887, which prevents data centers from skipping the state-mandated environmental review process for new projects. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2469 will prohibit local approval of data centers until the developer discloses the facility’s projected water usage. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The bills passed the Democratic-controlled Senate and Assembly largely on party-line votes, in the face of opposition from business groups such as the Data Center Coalition, whose members include Google and Microsoft. Opponents said the bills would prevent California from capitalizing on economic growth from data center construction. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nearly three-quarters of Californians oppose the construction of an AI data center in their area, according to a July \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-the-environment-july-2026/\">survey\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Data centers have been around for decades, housing servers that support web services such as video streaming and cloud storage. But the computing needs of advanced AI models have spurred a demand for new data centers that use more electricity for high-energy processing and, in some cases, more water for cooling. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The PPIC survey found 63% of Californians said they were worried about the environmental impact of building more AI data centers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1377\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/GettyImages-2285283677-scaled-e1786637636410.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091348\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An aerial view of a 49.5-megawatt, three-level data center under construction on July 8, 2026, in Vernon, California. A surge in demand for artificial intelligence infrastructure is fueling a boom in data centers across the country and around the globe. (Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California is home to nearly 300 data centers, with 54 in the pipeline, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2026/04/13/most-new-data-centers-in-the-us-are-coming-to-rural-areas/\">an analysis\u003c/a> conducted by the Pew Research Center in February. The study found future data center growth is concentrated in rural America, largely in the Midwest and South. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Still, some local California governments are looking to erect their own roadblocks; on Tuesday, Oakland will be the latest city to weigh a temporary data center ban when a City Council committee meets to consider a 45-day moratorium. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Similar moratoriums have been proposed in San Francisco, Richmond and Hayward, and in Southern California, the city of Monterey Park became the first in the U.S. this summer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096476/monterey-park-becomes-a-role-model-for-banning-data-centers\">enact a voter-approved ban\u003c/a> on data centers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On the federal level, President Donald Trump has cheered the advancement of data centers — praising them as key to economic growth and accusing Democrats of perpetrating a “hoax” against the development of artificial intelligence. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It all began with an attack on our Data Centers, until people realized how wealthy and prestigious they were for the Communities in which they were built,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform on Saturday. “Higher Salaries, Lower Taxes, and Safer Streets was the result, and the crazed Data Center attack has largely failed.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some Silicon Valley leaders have expressed regret at the controversial rollout of data centers. Jensen Huang, CEO of Nvidia, the Santa Clara-based chipmaker whose chips power many AI data centers, told CBS on Sunday that tech leaders should have spoken to residents living near proposed data centers sooner. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We need to go engage the communities long before we set up the data centers, and I think all of my colleagues recognize this today,” he said. “All of this happened so quickly, and it happened all over America so quickly — we didn’t realize, and we didn’t get a chance to be polite, to be a visitor in some new town.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The seven bills signed by Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097632/chatbots-data-centers-and-surveillance-5-silicon-valley-bills-land-on-newsoms-desk\">include provisions\u003c/a> aimed at preventing data centers from passing on their electricity costs to other ratepayers and a new requirement for developers to disclose their projected water usage. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“With these laws, we are ensuring that Californians remain in the driver’s seat — and that those profiting from data centers aren’t doing so at our expense,” Newsom said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“With these laws, we are ensuring that Californians remain in the driver’s seat — and that those profiting from data centers aren’t doing so at our expense,” Newsom said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The governor vetoed the water-reporting proposal last year, citing a need to further understand impacts on data center businesses and consumers. Since then, opposition to data centers has intensified; local governments across California are considering bans or moratoriums on the projects, and Newsom has promised his administration would be “leaning in” on regulations.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The governor vetoed the water-reporting proposal last year, citing a need to further understand impacts on data center businesses and consumers. Since then, opposition to data centers has intensified; local governments across California are considering bans or moratoriums on the projects, and Newsom has promised his administration would be “leaning in” on regulations.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Two bills signed by Newsom, Senate Bill 886 and Assembly Bill 2383, would require the California Public Utilities Commission to create new power rates for data centers to cover the cost of connecting the facilities to the grid and providing them with electricity. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Newsom signed another bill written by Padilla, Senate Bill 887, which prevents data centers from skipping the state-mandated environmental review process for new projects. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2469 will prohibit local approval of data centers until the developer discloses the facility’s projected water usage. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The bills passed the Democratic-controlled Senate and Assembly largely on party-line votes, in the face of opposition from business groups such as the Data Center Coalition, whose members include Google and Microsoft. Opponents said the bills would prevent California from capitalizing on economic growth from data center construction. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nearly three-quarters of Californians oppose the construction of an AI data center in their area, according to a July \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-the-environment-july-2026/\">survey\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Data centers have been around for decades, housing servers that support web services such as video streaming and cloud storage. But the computing needs of advanced AI models have spurred a demand for new data centers that use more electricity for high-energy processing and, in some cases, more water for cooling. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Data centers have been around for decades, housing servers that support web services such as video streaming and cloud storage. But the computing needs of advanced AI models have spurred a demand for new data centers that use more electricity for high-energy processing and, in some cases, more water for cooling. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The PPIC survey found 63% of Californians said they were worried about the environmental impact of building more AI data centers. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/GettyImages-2285283677-scaled-e1786637636410.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091348\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An aerial view of a 49.5-megawatt, three-level data center under construction on July 8, 2026, in Vernon, California. A surge in demand for artificial intelligence infrastructure is fueling a boom in data centers across the country and around the globe. \u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/GettyImages-2285283677-scaled-e1786637636410.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091348\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An aerial view of a 49.5-megawatt, three-level data center under construction on July 8, 2026, in Vernon, California. A surge in demand for artificial intelligence infrastructure is fueling a boom in data centers across the country and around the globe. \u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>California is home to nearly 300 data centers, with 54 in the pipeline, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2026/04/13/most-new-data-centers-in-the-us-are-coming-to-rural-areas/\">an analysis\u003c/a> conducted by the Pew Research Center in February. The study found future data center growth is concentrated in rural America, largely in the Midwest and South. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>California is home to nearly 300 data centers, with 54 in the pipeline, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2026/04/13/most-new-data-centers-in-the-us-are-coming-to-rural-areas/\">an analysis\u003c/a> conducted by the Pew Research Center in February. The study found future data center growth is concentrated in rural America, largely in the Midwest and South. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Still, some local California governments are looking to erect their own roadblocks; on Tuesday, Oakland will be the latest city to weigh a temporary data center ban when a City Council committee meets to consider a 45-day moratorium. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Still, some local California governments are looking to erect their own roadblocks; on Tuesday, Oakland will be the latest city to weigh a temporary data center ban when a City Council committee meets to consider a 45-day moratorium. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Similar moratoriums have been proposed in San Francisco, Richmond and Hayward, and in Southern California, the city of Monterey Park became the first in the U.S. this summer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096476/monterey-park-becomes-a-role-model-for-banning-data-centers\">enact a voter-approved ban\u003c/a> on data centers. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>On the federal level, President Donald Trump has cheered the advancement of data centers — praising them as key to economic growth and accusing Democrats of perpetrating a “hoax” against the development of artificial intelligence. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It all began with an attack on our Data Centers, until people realized how wealthy and prestigious they were for the Communities in which they were built,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform on Saturday. “Higher Salaries, Lower Taxes, and Safer Streets was the result, and the crazed Data Center attack has largely failed.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Some Silicon Valley leaders have expressed regret at the controversial rollout of data centers. Jensen Huang, CEO of Nvidia, the Santa Clara-based chipmaker whose chips power many AI data centers, told CBS on Sunday that tech leaders should have spoken to residents living near proposed data centers sooner. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Some Silicon Valley leaders have expressed regret at the controversial rollout of data centers. Jensen Huang, CEO of Nvidia, the Santa Clara-based chipmaker whose chips power many AI data centers, told CBS on Sunday that tech leaders should have spoken to residents living near proposed data centers sooner. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We need to go engage the communities long before we set up the data centers, and I think all of my colleagues recognize this today,” he said. “All of this happened so quickly, and it happened all over America so quickly — we didn’t realize, and we didn’t get a chance to be polite, to be a visitor in some new town.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/data-centers\">Data center\u003c/a> developments in California will face new hurdles under legislation signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom on Monday amid \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12099195/full-on-backlash-against-data-centers-occurring-as-san-jose-courts-them\">rising concerns\u003c/a> about the facilities at the heart of the nation’s artificial intelligence boom. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The seven bills signed by Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097632/chatbots-data-centers-and-surveillance-5-silicon-valley-bills-land-on-newsoms-desk\">include provisions\u003c/a> aimed at preventing data centers from passing on their electricity costs to other ratepayers and a new requirement for developers to disclose their projected water usage. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“With these laws, we are ensuring that Californians remain in the driver’s seat — and that those profiting from data centers aren’t doing so at our expense,” Newsom said in a statement. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The governor vetoed the water-reporting proposal last year, citing a need to further understand impacts on data center businesses and consumers. Since then, opposition to data centers has intensified; local governments across California are considering bans or moratoriums on the projects, and Newsom has promised his administration would be “leaning in” on regulations.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20260915_RichmondDataCenterRally-15.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12100065\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20260915_RichmondDataCenterRally-15.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20260915_RichmondDataCenterRally-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20260915_RichmondDataCenterRally-15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Community members cheer during a rally calling for a 45-day moratorium on new data centers, at Richmond City Hall in Richmond on Sept. 15, 2026. (Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Two bills signed by Newsom, Senate Bill 886 and Assembly Bill 2383, would require the California Public Utilities Commission to create new power rates for data centers to cover the cost of connecting the facilities to the grid and providing them with electricity. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“These are some of the nation’s strongest data center ratepayer protections — stopping Big Tech from sticking California families with the bill for their data centers while ensuring all local voices have a say on these projects and they comply with our air, water, and climate standards,” said Sen. Steve Padilla, D-San Diego, who wrote SB 886.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Newsom signed another bill written by Padilla, Senate Bill 887, which prevents data centers from skipping the state-mandated environmental review process for new projects. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2469 will prohibit local approval of data centers until the developer discloses the facility’s projected water usage. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The bills passed the Democratic-controlled Senate and Assembly largely on party-line votes, in the face of opposition from business groups such as the Data Center Coalition, whose members include Google and Microsoft. Opponents said the bills would prevent California from capitalizing on economic growth from data center construction. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nearly three-quarters of Californians oppose the construction of an AI data center in their area, according to a July \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-the-environment-july-2026/\">survey\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Data centers have been around for decades, housing servers that support web services such as video streaming and cloud storage. But the computing needs of advanced AI models have spurred a demand for new data centers that use more electricity for high-energy processing and, in some cases, more water for cooling. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The PPIC survey found 63% of Californians said they were worried about the environmental impact of building more AI data centers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1377\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/GettyImages-2285283677-scaled-e1786637636410.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091348\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An aerial view of a 49.5-megawatt, three-level data center under construction on July 8, 2026, in Vernon, California. A surge in demand for artificial intelligence infrastructure is fueling a boom in data centers across the country and around the globe. (Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California is home to nearly 300 data centers, with 54 in the pipeline, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2026/04/13/most-new-data-centers-in-the-us-are-coming-to-rural-areas/\">an analysis\u003c/a> conducted by the Pew Research Center in February. The study found future data center growth is concentrated in rural America, largely in the Midwest and South. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Still, some local California governments are looking to erect their own roadblocks; on Tuesday, Oakland will be the latest city to weigh a temporary data center ban when a City Council committee meets to consider a 45-day moratorium. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Similar moratoriums have been proposed in San Francisco, Richmond and Hayward, and in Southern California, the city of Monterey Park became the first in the U.S. this summer to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096476/monterey-park-becomes-a-role-model-for-banning-data-centers\">enact a voter-approved ban\u003c/a> on data centers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On the federal level, President Donald Trump has cheered the advancement of data centers — praising them as key to economic growth and accusing Democrats of perpetrating a “hoax” against the development of artificial intelligence. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It all began with an attack on our Data Centers, until people realized how wealthy and prestigious they were for the Communities in which they were built,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform on Saturday. “Higher Salaries, Lower Taxes, and Safer Streets was the result, and the crazed Data Center attack has largely failed.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some Silicon Valley leaders have expressed regret at the controversial rollout of data centers. Jensen Huang, CEO of Nvidia, the Santa Clara-based chipmaker whose chips power many AI data centers, told CBS on Sunday that tech leaders should have spoken to residents living near proposed data centers sooner. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We need to go engage the communities long before we set up the data centers, and I think all of my colleagues recognize this today,” he said. “All of this happened so quickly, and it happened all over America so quickly — we didn’t realize, and we didn’t get a chance to be polite, to be a visitor in some new town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Again Vetoes Bill to Allow Undocumented College Students to Work on Campus",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California college students without legal immigration status still cannot work at public colleges and universities after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> again \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2026/09/Veto-msg-AB-713.pdf\">vetoed a bill Sunday\u003c/a> that would have given them that right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab713\">Assembly Bill 713\u003c/a> would have adopted an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2026/08/students-without-legal-status-california/\">untested legal theory\u003c/a> that argues that a 1986 federal law barring employers from hiring workers in the country without authorization doesn’t apply to state governments. The logic? That 40-year-old law doesn’t mention state governments as a type of employer that cannot hire workers without proper status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the second time in three years, Newsom decided that adopting that theory for California would expose the state’s higher-education system to the wrath of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current federal government has shown it is quick to wreak destruction for political spectacle — attacking California’s public higher education institutions and terrorizing immigrant communities, including students, with reckless disregard for consequences and a desire for chaos,” Newsom wrote in his veto message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added: “But given the gravity of this bill’s consequences — including potential criminal and civil liability for state employees — the federal courts must resolve the legality of the novel legal theory behind this legislation before we proceed. Seeking declaratory relief in federal court would provide such clarity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12097112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12097112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/UCLACM.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/UCLACM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/UCLACM-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/UCLACM-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The UCLA campus in Los Angeles on Feb. 18, 2022. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed a nearly identical bill in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest bill by Assemblymember José Luis Solache, a Democrat from Lakewood, was meant to allow the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/cost-of-college-california/#1b26d91e-68aa-4023-aa9d-21e0a545a249\">estimated 60,000 students\u003c/a> without legal immigration status at California’s community college and public universities to earn paychecks safely on campuses instead of working for cash under the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the bill say campus jobs could be tailored to fit the students’ academic schedules or align with the research interests, such as employment in labs.[aside postID=news_12100707 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/20250929_UCBERKELEY_GC-1-KQED.jpg']Campus jobs are a key way these students can afford college given that they are ineligible for federal Pell grants — up to $7,400 annually — and federal student loans that come with more borrower protections than ones offered by private lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California provides eligible in-state students tuition waivers regardless of their immigration status, so many of them can at least attend a public institution tuition-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While California has a longstanding commitment to expanding access, affordability, and student success in higher education, our undocumented students continue to face significant financial and structural barriers,” Solache said at a bill hearing in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California itself \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/01/undocumented-students-2/\">abandoned\u003c/a> its review of employing students without legal status in 2024 out of fears that the federal government could punish the system by withholding federal money or prosecuting UC personnel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision gutted a coalition of students who led the campaign to persuade the UC to voluntarily adopt the legal theory allowing them to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed the 2024 bill, a student and former lecturer at the UC sued the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.spinxweb.net/horvitz/uploads/2025/10/Munoz-et-al.-v.-Regents-of-the-University-of-California-A171410.pdf\">state appellate court ruled\u003c/a> that UC’s argument that the federal government might sue the system was an abuse of discretion under the state’s law that bans employment and housing discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12100649\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12100649\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GavinNewsomCM1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GavinNewsomCM1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GavinNewsomCM1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GavinNewsomCM1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Bay Area Discovery Museum in Sausalito, where he signed 13 bills focused on protecting kids from technology, on Sept. 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Anna Hoch-Kenney/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court said UC’s policy of not hiring students without legal status was legally indefensible unless it can show that federal law requires the UC to continue its policy of not hiring undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC appealed, but the state Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/PDFs/Center_for_Immigration_Law_and_Policy/Opportunity_for_All_Timeline.pdf?_gl=1*2kxkqq*_up*MQ..*_ga*MTgwMDExNDcxNC4xNzg4MjA1Mzk3*_ga_LH03WX2T8B*czE3ODgyMDUzOTYkbzEkZzAkdDE3ODgyMDUzOTYkajYwJGwwJGgw\">let the appellate ruling stand\u003c/a>. Still, the court ruling was silent on the soundness of the legal theory that the state can hire workers without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto message indicated that a federal court must weigh in on the legal theory before California can adopt a law such as Solache’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2026/09/newsom-veto-students-wtihout-legal-status/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Newsom’s veto means a four-year battle to allow students without legal status to work at California’s public colleges wages on. This is the second time he vetoed such a bill to allow public colleges and universities to hire undocumented students.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California college students without legal immigration status still cannot work at public colleges and universities after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> again \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2026/09/Veto-msg-AB-713.pdf\">vetoed a bill Sunday\u003c/a> that would have given them that right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab713\">Assembly Bill 713\u003c/a> would have adopted an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2026/08/students-without-legal-status-california/\">untested legal theory\u003c/a> that argues that a 1986 federal law barring employers from hiring workers in the country without authorization doesn’t apply to state governments. The logic? That 40-year-old law doesn’t mention state governments as a type of employer that cannot hire workers without proper status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the second time in three years, Newsom decided that adopting that theory for California would expose the state’s higher-education system to the wrath of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current federal government has shown it is quick to wreak destruction for political spectacle — attacking California’s public higher education institutions and terrorizing immigrant communities, including students, with reckless disregard for consequences and a desire for chaos,” Newsom wrote in his veto message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added: “But given the gravity of this bill’s consequences — including potential criminal and civil liability for state employees — the federal courts must resolve the legality of the novel legal theory behind this legislation before we proceed. Seeking declaratory relief in federal court would provide such clarity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12097112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12097112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/UCLACM.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/UCLACM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/UCLACM-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/UCLACM-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The UCLA campus in Los Angeles on Feb. 18, 2022. \u003ccite>(Raquel Natalicchio for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed a nearly identical bill in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest bill by Assemblymember José Luis Solache, a Democrat from Lakewood, was meant to allow the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/cost-of-college-california/#1b26d91e-68aa-4023-aa9d-21e0a545a249\">estimated 60,000 students\u003c/a> without legal immigration status at California’s community college and public universities to earn paychecks safely on campuses instead of working for cash under the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the bill say campus jobs could be tailored to fit the students’ academic schedules or align with the research interests, such as employment in labs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Campus jobs are a key way these students can afford college given that they are ineligible for federal Pell grants — up to $7,400 annually — and federal student loans that come with more borrower protections than ones offered by private lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California provides eligible in-state students tuition waivers regardless of their immigration status, so many of them can at least attend a public institution tuition-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While California has a longstanding commitment to expanding access, affordability, and student success in higher education, our undocumented students continue to face significant financial and structural barriers,” Solache said at a bill hearing in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California itself \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/01/undocumented-students-2/\">abandoned\u003c/a> its review of employing students without legal status in 2024 out of fears that the federal government could punish the system by withholding federal money or prosecuting UC personnel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision gutted a coalition of students who led the campaign to persuade the UC to voluntarily adopt the legal theory allowing them to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed the 2024 bill, a student and former lecturer at the UC sued the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.spinxweb.net/horvitz/uploads/2025/10/Munoz-et-al.-v.-Regents-of-the-University-of-California-A171410.pdf\">state appellate court ruled\u003c/a> that UC’s argument that the federal government might sue the system was an abuse of discretion under the state’s law that bans employment and housing discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12100649\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12100649\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GavinNewsomCM1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GavinNewsomCM1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GavinNewsomCM1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GavinNewsomCM1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Bay Area Discovery Museum in Sausalito, where he signed 13 bills focused on protecting kids from technology, on Sept. 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Anna Hoch-Kenney/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court said UC’s policy of not hiring students without legal status was legally indefensible unless it can show that federal law requires the UC to continue its policy of not hiring undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC appealed, but the state Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/PDFs/Center_for_Immigration_Law_and_Policy/Opportunity_for_All_Timeline.pdf?_gl=1*2kxkqq*_up*MQ..*_ga*MTgwMDExNDcxNC4xNzg4MjA1Mzk3*_ga_LH03WX2T8B*czE3ODgyMDUzOTYkbzEkZzAkdDE3ODgyMDUzOTYkajYwJGwwJGgw\">let the appellate ruling stand\u003c/a>. Still, the court ruling was silent on the soundness of the legal theory that the state can hire workers without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto message indicated that a federal court must weigh in on the legal theory before California can adopt a law such as Solache’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2026/09/newsom-veto-students-wtihout-legal-status/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "states-settle-lawsuit-over-paramount-warner-merger-clearing-key-hurdle-for-81-billion-deal",
"title": "States Settle Lawsuit Over Paramount-Warner Merger, Clearing Key Hurdle for $81 Billion Deal",
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"headTitle": "States Settle Lawsuit Over Paramount-Warner Merger, Clearing Key Hurdle for $81 Billion Deal | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>Twelve states and Hollywood writers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12091887/us-judge-says-paramount-and-warner-bros-must-temporarily-pause-merger\">challenging Paramount’s buyout\u003c/a> of Warner Bros. Discovery agreed to settle their lawsuits on Monday, effectively paving the way for the $81 billion mega merger to cross the finish line, with some new commitments from the company. The blockbuster deal \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/warner-discovery-paramount-skydance-cbs-cnn-26252771aa58c8b6b2243809bad13e77\">will still bring together\u003c/a> two of Hollywood’s oldest studios, key TV networks like CBS and CNN and streaming platforms HBO Max and Paramount+, as well as decades-old libraries with titles ranging from “Harry Potter” to “Top Gun.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But among terms of Monday’s agreement announced by California Attorney General Rob Bonta — who led the states’ case — Paramount pledged to increase film production in the U.S., commit millions of dollars to a fund aimed at supporting workers who are displaced by the merger and establish monitoring of editorial independence of the company’s news operations.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The settlement still needs a final sign-off by a judge. Bonta said Monday’s agreement was about “protecting people’s careers, the lives they’ve built here in California, the livelihoods their families rely on” — but he maintained it was not a vote in support of the merger.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260717-FILMMAKER-RALLY-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091614\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260717-FILMMAKER-RALLY-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260717-FILMMAKER-RALLY-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260717-FILMMAKER-RALLY-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Filmmaker and comedian W. Kamau Bell speaks at a rally calling for immediate action to stop the proposed $110 billion Paramount Skydance and Warner Bros. Discovery merger, in front of the federal courthouse in Oakland on July 17, 2026. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I don’t think these two companies should merge,” Bonta said in a Monday press conference. “But that’s not something that we are focused on with our resolution here.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Paramount CEO David Ellison welcomed the settlement, which he said marked “complete clearance for this merger.” He added that “bringing Paramount and Warner Bros. Discovery together will build that stronger Hollywood, creating expanded opportunity for our people and even more great entertainment for audiences around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The coalition of states — including entertainment heavyweights like California and New York — sued to block the merger in July, alleging a Paramount-Warner combo would “extinguish competition” and lead to fewer choices for consumers, particularly movie theatergoers and cable customers across the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Writers Guild of America also filed suit, and both challenges were headed toward a full antitrust trial set to kick off in March. The WGA separately confirmed Monday that it settled its case, too.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We continue to believe the merger will cause damage to writers and the industry at large,” the guild said in a statement. “Now that the Attorneys General have settled with Paramount, however, as a nonprofit, the WGA must contend with the reality of forging ahead alone, with no backing from government enforcers, with a complex antitrust lawsuit that would cost millions of dollars to pursue through trial.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The union added that Paramount had agreed to prohibit writer layoffs at CBS News for five years and to pay $17.5 million to WGA’s health fund, along with attorneys’ fees from the litigation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Paramount previously agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/warner-bros-paramount-skydance-0f4ed7b4627b2d0ac8c1f1626689bf5d\">delay its transaction well into next year\u003c/a> so the challenges could make their way through court. It then \u003ca href=\"https://ir.paramount.com/news-releases/news-release-details/paramount-skydance-satisfies-all-regulatory-conditions-under\">quickly called\u003c/a> for a settlement — arguing that it had satisfied all regulatory clearances worldwide (including from \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/paramount-warner-regulation-antitrust-994c277d12297b8a7507fcb78004f679\">the Trump administration’s Justice Department\u003c/a> ), saying that the states’ lawsuit, in particular, was its “final obstacle.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As reports of the states reaching a settlement with Paramount emerged Monday, critics decried the deal — while warning of what further consolidation could mean in an industry \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/warner-discovery-paramount-skydance-cbs-cnn-26252771aa58c8b6b2243809bad13e77\">already controlled\u003c/a> by just a few major players.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Today, billionaires have yet again bribed, censored, and bullied their way to the top,” Alvaro Bedoya, senior adviser at the American Economic Liberties Project and a former commissioner of the Federal Trade Commission, said in a statement. “Layoffs will follow. People from L.A. to Atlanta will lose their jobs, small businesses will lose their contracts, your cable bill and movie ticket will be even more expensive.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>AP Writers Sophie Austin in Sacramento contributed. Sisak reported from New York.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I don’t think these two companies should merge,” Bonta said in a Monday press conference. “But that’s not something that we are focused on with our resolution here.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Paramount CEO David Ellison welcomed the settlement, which he said marked “complete clearance for this merger.” He added that “bringing Paramount and Warner Bros. Discovery together will build that stronger Hollywood, creating expanded opportunity for our people and even more great entertainment for audiences around the world.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The coalition of states — including entertainment heavyweights like California and New York — sued to block the merger in July, alleging a Paramount-Warner combo would “extinguish competition” and lead to fewer choices for consumers, particularly movie theatergoers and cable customers across the U.S.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Writers Guild of America also filed suit, and both challenges were headed toward a full antitrust trial set to kick off in March. The WGA separately confirmed Monday that it settled its case, too.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We continue to believe the merger will cause damage to writers and the industry at large,” the guild said in a statement. “Now that the Attorneys General have settled with Paramount, however, as a nonprofit, the WGA must contend with the reality of forging ahead alone, with no backing from government enforcers, with a complex antitrust lawsuit that would cost millions of dollars to pursue through trial.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The union added that Paramount had agreed to prohibit writer layoffs at CBS News for five years and to pay $17.5 million to WGA’s health fund, along with attorneys’ fees from the litigation.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Paramount previously agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/warner-bros-paramount-skydance-0f4ed7b4627b2d0ac8c1f1626689bf5d\">delay its transaction well into next year\u003c/a> so the challenges could make their way through court. It then \u003ca href=\"https://ir.paramount.com/news-releases/news-release-details/paramount-skydance-satisfies-all-regulatory-conditions-under\">quickly called\u003c/a> for a settlement — arguing that it had satisfied all regulatory clearances worldwide (including from \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/paramount-warner-regulation-antitrust-994c277d12297b8a7507fcb78004f679\">the Trump administration’s Justice Department\u003c/a> ), saying that the states’ lawsuit, in particular, was its “final obstacle.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As reports of the states reaching a settlement with Paramount emerged Monday, critics decried the deal — while warning of what further consolidation could mean in an industry \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/warner-discovery-paramount-skydance-cbs-cnn-26252771aa58c8b6b2243809bad13e77\">already controlled\u003c/a> by just a few major players.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Today, billionaires have yet again bribed, censored, and bullied their way to the top,” Alvaro Bedoya, senior adviser at the American Economic Liberties Project and a former commissioner of the Federal Trade Commission, said in a statement. “Layoffs will follow. People from L.A. to Atlanta will lose their jobs, small businesses will lose their contracts, your cable bill and movie ticket will be even more expensive.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>AP Writers Sophie Austin in Sacramento contributed. Sisak reported from New York.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Twelve states and Hollywood writers challenging Paramount’s buyout of Warner Bros. Discovery have agreed to settle their lawsuits against the mega merger.",
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"title": "States Settle Lawsuit Over Paramount-Warner Merger, Clearing Key Hurdle for $81 Billion Deal | KQED",
"description": "Twelve states and Hollywood writers challenging Paramount’s buyout of Warner Bros. Discovery have agreed to settle their lawsuits against the mega merger.",
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"headline": "States Settle Lawsuit Over Paramount-Warner Merger, Clearing Key Hurdle for $81 Billion Deal",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Twelve states and Hollywood writers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12091887/us-judge-says-paramount-and-warner-bros-must-temporarily-pause-merger\">challenging Paramount’s buyout\u003c/a> of Warner Bros. Discovery agreed to settle their lawsuits on Monday, effectively paving the way for the $81 billion mega merger to cross the finish line, with some new commitments from the company. The blockbuster deal \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/warner-discovery-paramount-skydance-cbs-cnn-26252771aa58c8b6b2243809bad13e77\">will still bring together\u003c/a> two of Hollywood’s oldest studios, key TV networks like CBS and CNN and streaming platforms HBO Max and Paramount+, as well as decades-old libraries with titles ranging from “Harry Potter” to “Top Gun.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But among terms of Monday’s agreement announced by California Attorney General Rob Bonta — who led the states’ case — Paramount pledged to increase film production in the U.S., commit millions of dollars to a fund aimed at supporting workers who are displaced by the merger and establish monitoring of editorial independence of the company’s news operations.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The settlement still needs a final sign-off by a judge. Bonta said Monday’s agreement was about “protecting people’s careers, the lives they’ve built here in California, the livelihoods their families rely on” — but he maintained it was not a vote in support of the merger.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260717-FILMMAKER-RALLY-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091614\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260717-FILMMAKER-RALLY-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260717-FILMMAKER-RALLY-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260717-FILMMAKER-RALLY-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Filmmaker and comedian W. Kamau Bell speaks at a rally calling for immediate action to stop the proposed $110 billion Paramount Skydance and Warner Bros. Discovery merger, in front of the federal courthouse in Oakland on July 17, 2026. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I don’t think these two companies should merge,” Bonta said in a Monday press conference. “But that’s not something that we are focused on with our resolution here.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Paramount CEO David Ellison welcomed the settlement, which he said marked “complete clearance for this merger.” He added that “bringing Paramount and Warner Bros. Discovery together will build that stronger Hollywood, creating expanded opportunity for our people and even more great entertainment for audiences around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The coalition of states — including entertainment heavyweights like California and New York — sued to block the merger in July, alleging a Paramount-Warner combo would “extinguish competition” and lead to fewer choices for consumers, particularly movie theatergoers and cable customers across the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Writers Guild of America also filed suit, and both challenges were headed toward a full antitrust trial set to kick off in March. The WGA separately confirmed Monday that it settled its case, too.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We continue to believe the merger will cause damage to writers and the industry at large,” the guild said in a statement. “Now that the Attorneys General have settled with Paramount, however, as a nonprofit, the WGA must contend with the reality of forging ahead alone, with no backing from government enforcers, with a complex antitrust lawsuit that would cost millions of dollars to pursue through trial.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The union added that Paramount had agreed to prohibit writer layoffs at CBS News for five years and to pay $17.5 million to WGA’s health fund, along with attorneys’ fees from the litigation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Paramount previously agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/warner-bros-paramount-skydance-0f4ed7b4627b2d0ac8c1f1626689bf5d\">delay its transaction well into next year\u003c/a> so the challenges could make their way through court. It then \u003ca href=\"https://ir.paramount.com/news-releases/news-release-details/paramount-skydance-satisfies-all-regulatory-conditions-under\">quickly called\u003c/a> for a settlement — arguing that it had satisfied all regulatory clearances worldwide (including from \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/paramount-warner-regulation-antitrust-994c277d12297b8a7507fcb78004f679\">the Trump administration’s Justice Department\u003c/a> ), saying that the states’ lawsuit, in particular, was its “final obstacle.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As reports of the states reaching a settlement with Paramount emerged Monday, critics decried the deal — while warning of what further consolidation could mean in an industry \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/warner-discovery-paramount-skydance-cbs-cnn-26252771aa58c8b6b2243809bad13e77\">already controlled\u003c/a> by just a few major players.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Today, billionaires have yet again bribed, censored, and bullied their way to the top,” Alvaro Bedoya, senior adviser at the American Economic Liberties Project and a former commissioner of the Federal Trade Commission, said in a statement. “Layoffs will follow. People from L.A. to Atlanta will lose their jobs, small businesses will lose their contracts, your cable bill and movie ticket will be even more expensive.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>AP Writers Sophie Austin in Sacramento contributed. Sisak reported from New York.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-ag-drops-case-against-stanford-university-pro-palestinian-protesters",
"title": "California AG Drops Case Against Stanford University Pro-Palestinian Protesters",
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"headTitle": "California AG Drops Case Against Stanford University Pro-Palestinian Protesters | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>The criminal case against\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073534/stanford-pro-palestinian-protesters-case-ends-in-mistrial\"> pro-Palestinian protesters\u003c/a> arrested for breaking into and vandalizing the Stanford University president’s office in 2024 will be dismissed following a mistrial earlier this year. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>State prosecutors said Monday they reached a deal with eight defendants. The decision comes after defense attorneys in May successfully \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082713/santa-clara-county-da-barred-from-retrying-pro-palestinan-stanford-protesters\">argued for the recusal\u003c/a> of Santa Clara District Attorney Jeff Rosen due to a conflict of interest.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Today’s a good day,” defense attorney Tony Brass said outside the courtroom. “Today is a day [the protesters] earned and deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Defense attorneys said the California attorney general’s office agreed to dismiss the charges in exchange for a restitution payment of $51,000 and commitment to 100 hours of community service by each of the protesters. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12007722\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus in Stanford, California, on April 25, 2024, calling for the university to divest from Israel. The rally took place during Stanford’s Admit Weekend, a time for incoming students to tour the university. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several of the protesters have already finished the service commitment and are expected to have their cases dismissed in October. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The deal comes more than six months after a mistrial in the case, with jurors unable to reach a consensus about whether the five individuals should be found guilty of felony conspiracy to trespass and felony vandalism.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In June 2024, a group of Stanford students and alumni broke into the university president’s office and barricaded themselves inside, saying they aimed to pressure Stanford leaders to “address their role in enabling and profiting from the ongoing genocide in Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The action led to 13 arrests and the dismantling of a pro-Palestinian encampment on the campus, amid a larger wave of campus demonstrations across the U.S. intended to pressure schools to divest from companies supporting Israel’s military campaign in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Twelve protesters were initially charged in connection with the incident, but six agreed to enter mental health diversion programs or said they planned to take a court-ordered deal that included pleading guilty to lesser misdemeanor charges.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One other protester served as a witness for prosecutors in the grand jury indictment and enrolled in a youth deferred entry of judgment program. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Monday’s deal ends a two-year saga for the five protesters who chose to go to trial: Hunter Taylor-Black, Maya Burke, Germán González, Taylor McCann and Amy Zhai. It will also affect the three who said they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064351/stanford-protesters-negotiating-plea-deals-as-trial-begins\">intended to plead guilty\u003c/a> to misdemeanors last fall. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I’m super relieved that I’ll be able to go to school and finish up my education without this hanging over my head,” said González, who is the only protester still currently enrolled at Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Brass said he felt that the end resolution was fair, but overdue.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Look at the journey we had to take to get here,” he said. “Look at the risks they took to get here … all of the doxing and losing their housing, losing medical insurance, losing a quarter of school.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-11988163\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Sang Hea Kil, San José State University professor and co-chair of the California Faculty Association’s Palestine, Arab and Muslim Caucus, cheers during a rally at SFSU in San Francisco on Jan. 25, 2024, urging a no vote on the tentative deal that ended the California State University faculty strike. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Professor Sang Hea Kil, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988162/sjsu-professor-who-was-suspended-over-pro-palestinian-protests-speaks-out\">fired from San José State University\u003c/a> in connection with pro-Palestinian protests in 2024 before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088425/san-jose-state-professor-fired-over-campus-gaza-protests-to-win-back-job-2\">being reinstated in June\u003c/a>, said the case has also harmed the wider student protest movement. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They’ve opened the can of worms of going after students with felonies for wanting to protest an unjust genocide,” she said. That “really sends a chilling effect … It will create barriers for students to want to organize and protest because they face such high costs now.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Stanford officials wrote in a statement after the incident that students who were arrested would be suspended, and any seniors would be barred from that spring’s graduation. The university said in a statement Monday that it has a policy of noninterference with criminal proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The decision on how to resolve the case rested with the California Attorney General’s Office, based on the evidence gathered,” spokesperson Luisa Rapport said via email. “We respect the integrity of our justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>During the protesters’ trial, which ran for three weeks in January, defense attorneys focused on their clients’ intentions: acting out of concern for what they view as an ongoing genocide in Gaza after months of protests and requests to discuss campus divestment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Weeks of protests went with no reaction, with no progress, and with no dialog,” Brass said Monday. “They deserved better than that. What this was, was a way to amplify their voice.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The jury deadlocked, with 8 of 12 favoring conviction on the conspiracy charge and 9 of 12 favoring conviction for the vandalism charge. At the time, Rosen said he planned to retry the case.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-6-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12062229\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-6-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-6-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-6-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A view of Hoover Tower on the Stanford University campus in Stanford on Oct. 29, 2025. (Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This case is about a group of people who destroyed someone else’s property and caused hundreds of thousands of dollars in damage. That is against the law,” he said in February.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a rare move, though, his office was barred from retrying the case in May over a conflict of interest after he promoted the case on a campaign fundraising website highlighting his efforts in “fighting antisemitism.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Kelley Paul ordered Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office to take over the case.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Avi Singh said Monday’s deal was a result of the state’s “due diligence and a holistic review of the case.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>They “took the matter to an appropriate outcome and frankly where it should have been the whole time,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Brass called the decision a victory for free speech.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Stanford will celebrate this 20 years from now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12007722\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus in Stanford, California, on April 25, 2024, calling for the university to divest from Israel. The rally took place during Stanford’s Admit Weekend, a time for incoming students to tour the university.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12007722\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus in Stanford, California, on April 25, 2024, calling for the university to divest from Israel. The rally took place during Stanford’s Admit Weekend, a time for incoming students to tour the university.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Several of the protesters have already finished the service commitment and are expected to have their cases dismissed in October. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The deal comes more than six months after a mistrial in the case, with jurors unable to reach a consensus about whether the five individuals should be found guilty of felony conspiracy to trespass and felony vandalism.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In June 2024, a group of Stanford students and alumni broke into the university president’s office and barricaded themselves inside, saying they aimed to pressure Stanford leaders to “address their role in enabling and profiting from the ongoing genocide in Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The action led to 13 arrests and the dismantling of a pro-Palestinian encampment on the campus, amid a larger wave of campus demonstrations across the U.S. intended to pressure schools to divest from companies supporting Israel’s military campaign in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Twelve protesters were initially charged in connection with the incident, but six agreed to enter mental health diversion programs or said they planned to take a court-ordered deal that included pleading guilty to lesser misdemeanor charges.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>One other protester served as a witness for prosecutors in the grand jury indictment and enrolled in a youth deferred entry of judgment program. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Monday’s deal ends a two-year saga for the five protesters who chose to go to trial: Hunter Taylor-Black, Maya Burke, Germán González, Taylor McCann and Amy Zhai. It will also affect the three who said they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064351/stanford-protesters-negotiating-plea-deals-as-trial-begins\">intended to plead guilty\u003c/a> to misdemeanors last fall. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I’m super relieved that I’ll be able to go to school and finish up my education without this hanging over my head,” said González, who is the only protester still currently enrolled at Stanford.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I’m super relieved that I’ll be able to go to school and finish up my education without this hanging over my head,” said González, who is the only protester still currently enrolled at Stanford.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Brass said he felt that the end resolution was fair, but overdue.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Look at the journey we had to take to get here,” he said. “Look at the risks they took to get here … all of the doxing and losing their housing, losing medical insurance, losing a quarter of school.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Look at the journey we had to take to get here,” he said. “Look at the risks they took to get here … all of the doxing and losing their housing, losing medical insurance, losing a quarter of school.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-11988163\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Sang Hea Kil, San José State University professor and co-chair of the California Faculty Association’s Palestine, Arab and Muslim Caucus, cheers during a rally at SFSU in San Francisco on Jan. 25, 2024, urging a no vote on the tentative deal that ended the California State University faculty strike.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-11988163\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Sang Hea Kil, San José State University professor and co-chair of the California Faculty Association’s Palestine, Arab and Muslim Caucus, cheers during a rally at SFSU in San Francisco on Jan. 25, 2024, urging a no vote on the tentative deal that ended the California State University faculty strike.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Professor Sang Hea Kil, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988162/sjsu-professor-who-was-suspended-over-pro-palestinian-protests-speaks-out\">fired from San José State University\u003c/a> in connection with pro-Palestinian protests in 2024 before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088425/san-jose-state-professor-fired-over-campus-gaza-protests-to-win-back-job-2\">being reinstated in June\u003c/a>, said the case has also harmed the wider student protest movement. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“They’ve opened the can of worms of going after students with felonies for wanting to protest an unjust genocide,” she said. That “really sends a chilling effect … It will create barriers for students to want to organize and protest because they face such high costs now.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“They’ve opened the can of worms of going after students with felonies for wanting to protest an unjust genocide,” she said. That “really sends a chilling effect … It will create barriers for students to want to organize and protest because they face such high costs now.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Stanford officials wrote in a statement after the incident that students who were arrested would be suspended, and any seniors would be barred from that spring’s graduation. The university said in a statement Monday that it has a policy of noninterference with criminal proceedings.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Stanford officials wrote in a statement after the incident that students who were arrested would be suspended, and any seniors would be barred from that spring’s graduation. The university said in a statement Monday that it has a policy of noninterference with criminal proceedings.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The decision on how to resolve the case rested with the California Attorney General’s Office, based on the evidence gathered,” spokesperson Luisa Rapport said via email. “We respect the integrity of our justice system.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“The decision on how to resolve the case rested with the California Attorney General’s Office, based on the evidence gathered,” spokesperson Luisa Rapport said via email. “We respect the integrity of our justice system.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>During the protesters’ trial, which ran for three weeks in January, defense attorneys focused on their clients’ intentions: acting out of concern for what they view as an ongoing genocide in Gaza after months of protests and requests to discuss campus divestment.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Weeks of protests went with no reaction, with no progress, and with no dialog,” Brass said Monday. “They deserved better than that. What this was, was a way to amplify their voice.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The jury deadlocked, with 8 of 12 favoring conviction on the conspiracy charge and 9 of 12 favoring conviction for the vandalism charge. At the time, Rosen said he planned to retry the case.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The jury deadlocked, with 8 of 12 favoring conviction on the conspiracy charge and 9 of 12 favoring conviction for the vandalism charge. At the time, Rosen said he planned to retry the case.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This case is about a group of people who destroyed someone else’s property and caused hundreds of thousands of dollars in damage. That is against the law,” he said in February.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In a rare move, though, his office was barred from retrying the case in May over a conflict of interest after he promoted the case on a campaign fundraising website highlighting his efforts in “fighting antisemitism.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Kelley Paul ordered Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office to take over the case.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Avi Singh said Monday’s deal was a result of the state’s “due diligence and a holistic review of the case.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Brass called the decision a victory for free speech.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Stanford will celebrate this 20 years from now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A Santa Clara County judge referred the case to state prosecutors after the county’s district attorney was barred over a conflict of interest. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The criminal case against\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073534/stanford-pro-palestinian-protesters-case-ends-in-mistrial\"> pro-Palestinian protesters\u003c/a> arrested for breaking into and vandalizing the Stanford University president’s office in 2024 will be dismissed following a mistrial earlier this year. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>State prosecutors said Monday they reached a deal with eight defendants. The decision comes after defense attorneys in May successfully \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082713/santa-clara-county-da-barred-from-retrying-pro-palestinan-stanford-protesters\">argued for the recusal\u003c/a> of Santa Clara District Attorney Jeff Rosen due to a conflict of interest.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Today’s a good day,” defense attorney Tony Brass said outside the courtroom. “Today is a day [the protesters] earned and deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Defense attorneys said the California attorney general’s office agreed to dismiss the charges in exchange for a restitution payment of $51,000 and commitment to 100 hours of community service by each of the protesters. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12007722\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus in Stanford, California, on April 25, 2024, calling for the university to divest from Israel. The rally took place during Stanford’s Admit Weekend, a time for incoming students to tour the university. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several of the protesters have already finished the service commitment and are expected to have their cases dismissed in October. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The deal comes more than six months after a mistrial in the case, with jurors unable to reach a consensus about whether the five individuals should be found guilty of felony conspiracy to trespass and felony vandalism.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In June 2024, a group of Stanford students and alumni broke into the university president’s office and barricaded themselves inside, saying they aimed to pressure Stanford leaders to “address their role in enabling and profiting from the ongoing genocide in Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The action led to 13 arrests and the dismantling of a pro-Palestinian encampment on the campus, amid a larger wave of campus demonstrations across the U.S. intended to pressure schools to divest from companies supporting Israel’s military campaign in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Twelve protesters were initially charged in connection with the incident, but six agreed to enter mental health diversion programs or said they planned to take a court-ordered deal that included pleading guilty to lesser misdemeanor charges.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One other protester served as a witness for prosecutors in the grand jury indictment and enrolled in a youth deferred entry of judgment program. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Monday’s deal ends a two-year saga for the five protesters who chose to go to trial: Hunter Taylor-Black, Maya Burke, Germán González, Taylor McCann and Amy Zhai. It will also affect the three who said they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064351/stanford-protesters-negotiating-plea-deals-as-trial-begins\">intended to plead guilty\u003c/a> to misdemeanors last fall. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I’m super relieved that I’ll be able to go to school and finish up my education without this hanging over my head,” said González, who is the only protester still currently enrolled at Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Brass said he felt that the end resolution was fair, but overdue.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Look at the journey we had to take to get here,” he said. “Look at the risks they took to get here … all of the doxing and losing their housing, losing medical insurance, losing a quarter of school.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-11988163\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240125-SFSUStrike-08-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Sang Hea Kil, San José State University professor and co-chair of the California Faculty Association’s Palestine, Arab and Muslim Caucus, cheers during a rally at SFSU in San Francisco on Jan. 25, 2024, urging a no vote on the tentative deal that ended the California State University faculty strike. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Professor Sang Hea Kil, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988162/sjsu-professor-who-was-suspended-over-pro-palestinian-protests-speaks-out\">fired from San José State University\u003c/a> in connection with pro-Palestinian protests in 2024 before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088425/san-jose-state-professor-fired-over-campus-gaza-protests-to-win-back-job-2\">being reinstated in June\u003c/a>, said the case has also harmed the wider student protest movement. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They’ve opened the can of worms of going after students with felonies for wanting to protest an unjust genocide,” she said. That “really sends a chilling effect … It will create barriers for students to want to organize and protest because they face such high costs now.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Stanford officials wrote in a statement after the incident that students who were arrested would be suspended, and any seniors would be barred from that spring’s graduation. The university said in a statement Monday that it has a policy of noninterference with criminal proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The decision on how to resolve the case rested with the California Attorney General’s Office, based on the evidence gathered,” spokesperson Luisa Rapport said via email. “We respect the integrity of our justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>During the protesters’ trial, which ran for three weeks in January, defense attorneys focused on their clients’ intentions: acting out of concern for what they view as an ongoing genocide in Gaza after months of protests and requests to discuss campus divestment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Weeks of protests went with no reaction, with no progress, and with no dialog,” Brass said Monday. “They deserved better than that. What this was, was a way to amplify their voice.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The jury deadlocked, with 8 of 12 favoring conviction on the conspiracy charge and 9 of 12 favoring conviction for the vandalism charge. At the time, Rosen said he planned to retry the case.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-6-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12062229\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-6-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-6-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-6-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A view of Hoover Tower on the Stanford University campus in Stanford on Oct. 29, 2025. (Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This case is about a group of people who destroyed someone else’s property and caused hundreds of thousands of dollars in damage. That is against the law,” he said in February.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a rare move, though, his office was barred from retrying the case in May over a conflict of interest after he promoted the case on a campaign fundraising website highlighting his efforts in “fighting antisemitism.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Kelley Paul ordered Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office to take over the case.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Avi Singh said Monday’s deal was a result of the state’s “due diligence and a holistic review of the case.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>They “took the matter to an appropriate outcome and frankly where it should have been the whole time,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Brass called the decision a victory for free speech.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Stanford will celebrate this 20 years from now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "historian-draws-parallels-between-trump-and-1920s-immigration-policy",
"title": "Historian Draws Parallels Between Trump and 1920s Immigration Policy",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>It was a campaign of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mass-deportations\">mass deportation\u003c/a>, with immigration authorities engaged in racial profiling and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">disregarding the rights\u003c/a> of the people they arrested, many of whom were in the United States legally. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>That’s a charge that’s been leveled at President Donald Trump’s current enforcement efforts, with agents detaining people they perceived as immigrants without legal status on the streets of cities like Los Angeles and Minneapolis, frequently without warrants and referring to them by racial slurs. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It also describes a little-known chapter of U.S. history: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002189/over-1-million-were-deported-to-mexico-nearly-100-years-ago-most-of-them-were-u-s-citizens\">“Mexican Repatriation” \u003c/a>that began amid rising xenophobia in the 1920s and gained steam during the Great Depression, said historian Marla Ramírez, who spoke about the parallels at UC Berkeley’s Institute for Governmental Studies last week. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260916-HiddenICESFO-NG-27_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12100407\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260916-HiddenICESFO-NG-27_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260916-HiddenICESFO-NG-27_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260916-HiddenICESFO-NG-27_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A demonstrator holds a sign at the departing wing of San Francisco International Airport’s International Terminal where the San Francisco Chronicle has reported that Customs and Border Protection has a hidden detention center where dozens of detainees have been arrested and held for more than a week on Sept. 16, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>An estimated 1 million people were sent to Mexico in the period between World War I and World War II, and the majority of them were U.S. citizens, according to Ramírez, a professor at the University of Wisconsin and author of \u003ca href=\"https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674295940\">a recent book\u003c/a>, “Banished Citizens: A History of the Mexican American Women Who Endured Repatriation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“What happened during the interwar period and what’s happening now is that we have this stereotypical image of an immigrant that’s always rooted in who’s white and who’s not white,” she said. “We see U.S. citizens of non-white phenotypes being questioned, being arrested even, because they’ve been imagined to be immigrants, even when they’re U.S. citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Recent lawsuits have alleged — through officer bodycam footage, witnesses and individual testimonies — that agents have denied some people the opportunity to produce proof of legal status during their arrest, speak to an attorney while detained or present their case to an immigration judge before they are deported.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The current environment echoes the immigration policing of a century ago, Ramírez said, and it poses a danger not only to immigrants but to society as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Whenever we are willing to turn a blind eye to the civil rights and constitutional rights of a group, it becomes a dangerous, slippery slope,” she said. “It gives [the government] permission to ignore those same rights for other groups.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security has repeatedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100391/judge-says-immigration-agents-must-stop-the-way-theyre-conducting-warrantless-arrests\">denied violating the rights\u003c/a> of people arrested during immigration enforcement actions.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After the UC Berkeley talk, Julia Curry Rodríguez, an emerita professor from San José State University, said Ramírez’s research shows how authorities sometimes disregard policies and laws to make violations against immigrants appear justified. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“In the early part of the 20th century, we see a twisting of rules to do things that shouldn’t have been allowed to happen,” she said. “It tells us we have to be astute. … We can’t allow someone to tell us, ‘We have the right,’ when they don’t.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1876\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12100817\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED.jpg 1876w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED-1536x1091.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1876px) 100vw, 1876px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Left: The cover of Marla Ramírez’s book “Banished Citizens: A History of The Mexican American Woman who Endured Repatriation.”\u003cbr>Right: Marla Ramírez is an assistant professor of history and Chicano/a studies at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. (Courtesy of Marla Ramírez)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ramírez searched the archives of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service (the agency that predated the Department of Homeland Security) and found evidence that the government knew it was expelling U.S. citizens in typed rosters of people deported to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One list, from July 1939, included 36-year-old Juan Franco, a Mexican national, and his wife, Juana Cuevas, 28, whose nationality is listed as “United States,” as is that of their four children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Another man, Pedro Cruz, 79, a Mexican national, was deported along with his wife, Isabel Martinez, and their seven children, two daughters-in-law, a son-in-law and 12 grandchildren, all of them U.S. nationals, the archival records show.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The fact that these women and children were Americans means that “repatriation” and even “deportation” are inaccurate terms, Ramírez said. Instead, she chose to refer to these U.S. citizens as “banished” to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The government justified the removals with the assumption that men were the breadwinners in a family and if husbands were deported, their wives and children would become dependent on public benefits, or — in the phrasing of an 1882 immigration law — they would be “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100528/applying-for-a-green-card-or-a-visa-what-to-know-about-the-new-public-charge-rule\">public charges\u003c/a>,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/gettyimages-2238189274-scaled-e1789757180450.jpeg\" alt=\"A federal officer stands in a hallway at New York Federal Plaza Immigration Court inside the Jacob K. Javitz Federal Building in New York in October 2025.\" class=\"wp-image-12085161\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A federal officer stands in a hallway at New York Federal Plaza Immigration Court inside the Jacob K. Javitz Federal Building in New York in October 2025. (Charly Triballeau/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Beyond that, she said her research showed that immigration authorities dusted off a 19th-century legal doctrine known as “coverture,” under which a woman’s legal rights were “subsumed,” first by her father and then her husband. But, she said, by the time the “repatriation” began in the 1920s, those laws had long been overturned by the efforts of the women’s suffrage movement. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Through mental gymnastics, including in Congressional debates, public officials swept wives and children under a man’s non-citizen status, then applied to them a 1917 law that said immigrants deemed public charges could be deportable, Ramírez said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>So if the father or husband was to be removed, then the women and children were seen as a public charge,” she said. “Then these U.S. citizens were imagined also as removable even though they were not immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The impact of these removals rippled across the decades, she found, with families losing generational wealth and women fighting for years to prove their U.S. citizenship. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The book documents the experience of Trinidad Rodríguez. Born in Redlands, Calif., to a U.S.-born mother, she was sent to Mexico with her family as a 5-year-old in 1922. As an adult, she spent years trying to return to California to obtain a copy of her birth certificate, which had been confiscated by authorities when she was removed from the U.S. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2197914000-scaled-e1740613370625.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12026832\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A protester waves the national flags of Mexico during a demonstration for immigrants’ rights outside of Los Angeles City Hall on Feb. 5, 2025. (Qian Weizhong/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When she finally got it, in 1969, she couldn’t afford the legal fees and applications to establish residency for herself and her family. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Her son and his children were entitled to derive citizenship through Rodríguez. But years later, several grandchildren entered the U.S. without authorization and wound up living as immigrants without legal status, Ramírez said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Such stories have relevance not only because they show the history of unjust exclusionary practices of U.S. immigration authorities, said Cristina Mora, co-director of UC Berkeley’s Institute for Governmental Studies, which hosted Ramírez. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It’s also an example of women’s resilience and their continued fight to obtain their rights,” she said. “Despite all these challenges, we’re still here. Generations of us are still here, still building, still creating and still demanding that this place live up to its values.\u003cem>”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>It also describes a little-known chapter of U.S. history: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002189/over-1-million-were-deported-to-mexico-nearly-100-years-ago-most-of-them-were-u-s-citizens\">“Mexican Repatriation” \u003c/a>that began amid rising xenophobia in the 1920s and gained steam during the Great Depression, said historian Marla Ramírez, who spoke about the parallels at UC Berkeley’s Institute for Governmental Studies last week. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>An estimated 1 million people were sent to Mexico in the period between World War I and World War II, and the majority of them were U.S. citizens, according to Ramírez, a professor at the University of Wisconsin and author of \u003ca href=\"https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674295940\">a recent book\u003c/a>, “Banished Citizens: A History of the Mexican American Women Who Endured Repatriation.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“What happened during the interwar period and what’s happening now is that we have this stereotypical image of an immigrant that’s always rooted in who’s white and who’s not white,” she said. “We see U.S. citizens of non-white phenotypes being questioned, being arrested even, because they’ve been imagined to be immigrants, even when they’re U.S. citizens.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Recent lawsuits have alleged — through officer bodycam footage, witnesses and individual testimonies — that agents have denied some people the opportunity to produce proof of legal status during their arrest, speak to an attorney while detained or present their case to an immigration judge before they are deported.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Recent lawsuits have alleged — through officer bodycam footage, witnesses and individual testimonies — that agents have denied some people the opportunity to produce proof of legal status during their arrest, speak to an attorney while detained or present their case to an immigration judge before they are deported.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The current environment echoes the immigration policing of a century ago, Ramírez said, and it poses a danger not only to immigrants but to society as a whole.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Whenever we are willing to turn a blind eye to the civil rights and constitutional rights of a group, it becomes a dangerous, slippery slope,” she said. “It gives [the government] permission to ignore those same rights for other groups.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Whenever we are willing to turn a blind eye to the civil rights and constitutional rights of a group, it becomes a dangerous, slippery slope,” she said. “It gives [the government] permission to ignore those same rights for other groups.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security has repeatedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100391/judge-says-immigration-agents-must-stop-the-way-theyre-conducting-warrantless-arrests\">denied violating the rights\u003c/a> of people arrested during immigration enforcement actions.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>After the UC Berkeley talk, Julia Curry Rodríguez, an emerita professor from San José State University, said Ramírez’s research shows how authorities sometimes disregard policies and laws to make violations against immigrants appear justified. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>After the UC Berkeley talk, Julia Curry Rodríguez, an emerita professor from San José State University, said Ramírez’s research shows how authorities sometimes disregard policies and laws to make violations against immigrants appear justified. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“In the early part of the 20th century, we see a twisting of rules to do things that shouldn’t have been allowed to happen,” she said. “It tells us we have to be astute. … We can’t allow someone to tell us, ‘We have the right,’ when they don’t.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“In the early part of the 20th century, we see a twisting of rules to do things that shouldn’t have been allowed to happen,” she said. “It tells us we have to be astute. … We can’t allow someone to tell us, ‘We have the right,’ when they don’t.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12100817\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED.jpg 1876w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED-1536x1091.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Left: The cover of Marla Ramírez’s book “Banished Citizens: A History of The Mexican American Woman who Endured Repatriation.”\u003cbr>Right: Marla Ramírez is an assistant professor of history and Chicano/a studies at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Courtesy of Marla Ramírez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Ramírez searched the archives of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service (the agency that predated the Department of Homeland Security) and found evidence that the government knew it was expelling U.S. citizens in typed rosters of people deported to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>One list, from July 1939, included 36-year-old Juan Franco, a Mexican national, and his wife, Juana Cuevas, 28, whose nationality is listed as “United States,” as is that of their four children.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Another man, Pedro Cruz, 79, a Mexican national, was deported along with his wife, Isabel Martinez, and their seven children, two daughters-in-law, a son-in-law and 12 grandchildren, all of them U.S. nationals, the archival records show.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Another man, Pedro Cruz, 79, a Mexican national, was deported along with his wife, Isabel Martinez, and their seven children, two daughters-in-law, a son-in-law and 12 grandchildren, all of them U.S. nationals, the archival records show.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The fact that these women and children were Americans means that “repatriation” and even “deportation” are inaccurate terms, Ramírez said. Instead, she chose to refer to these U.S. citizens as “banished” to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The government justified the removals with the assumption that men were the breadwinners in a family and if husbands were deported, their wives and children would become dependent on public benefits, or — in the phrasing of an 1882 immigration law — they would be “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100528/applying-for-a-green-card-or-a-visa-what-to-know-about-the-new-public-charge-rule\">public charges\u003c/a>,” she said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"alt": "A federal officer stands in a hallway at New York Federal Plaza Immigration Court inside the Jacob K. Javitz Federal Building in New York in October 2025."
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/gettyimages-2238189274-scaled-e1789757180450.jpeg\" alt=\"A federal officer stands in a hallway at New York Federal Plaza Immigration Court inside the Jacob K. Javitz Federal Building in New York in October 2025.\" class=\"wp-image-12085161\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A federal officer stands in a hallway at New York Federal Plaza Immigration Court inside the Jacob K. Javitz Federal Building in New York in October 2025.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Charly Triballeau/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Beyond that, she said her research showed that immigration authorities dusted off a 19th-century legal doctrine known as “coverture,” under which a woman’s legal rights were “subsumed,” first by her father and then her husband. But, she said, by the time the “repatriation” began in the 1920s, those laws had long been overturned by the efforts of the women’s suffrage movement. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Beyond that, she said her research showed that immigration authorities dusted off a 19th-century legal doctrine known as “coverture,” under which a woman’s legal rights were “subsumed,” first by her father and then her husband. But, she said, by the time the “repatriation” began in the 1920s, those laws had long been overturned by the efforts of the women’s suffrage movement. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Through mental gymnastics, including in Congressional debates, public officials swept wives and children under a man’s non-citizen status, then applied to them a 1917 law that said immigrants deemed public charges could be deportable, Ramírez said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>So if the father or husband was to be removed, then the women and children were seen as a public charge,” she said. “Then these U.S. citizens were imagined also as removable even though they were not immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The impact of these removals rippled across the decades, she found, with families losing generational wealth and women fighting for years to prove their U.S. citizenship. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The impact of these removals rippled across the decades, she found, with families losing generational wealth and women fighting for years to prove their U.S. citizenship. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The book documents the experience of Trinidad Rodríguez. Born in Redlands, Calif., to a U.S.-born mother, she was sent to Mexico with her family as a 5-year-old in 1922. As an adult, she spent years trying to return to California to obtain a copy of her birth certificate, which had been confiscated by authorities when she was removed from the U.S. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The book documents the experience of Trinidad Rodríguez. Born in Redlands, Calif., to a U.S.-born mother, she was sent to Mexico with her family as a 5-year-old in 1922. As an adult, she spent years trying to return to California to obtain a copy of her birth certificate, which had been confiscated by authorities when she was removed from the U.S. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2197914000-scaled-e1740613370625.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12026832\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A protester waves the national flags of Mexico during a demonstration for immigrants’ rights outside of Los Angeles City Hall on Feb. 5, 2025.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Qian Weizhong/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2197914000-scaled-e1740613370625.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12026832\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A protester waves the national flags of Mexico during a demonstration for immigrants’ rights outside of Los Angeles City Hall on Feb. 5, 2025.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Qian Weizhong/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>When she finally got it, in 1969, she couldn’t afford the legal fees and applications to establish residency for herself and her family. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Her son and his children were entitled to derive citizenship through Rodríguez. But years later, several grandchildren entered the U.S. without authorization and wound up living as immigrants without legal status, Ramírez said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Her son and his children were entitled to derive citizenship through Rodríguez. But years later, several grandchildren entered the U.S. without authorization and wound up living as immigrants without legal status, Ramírez said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Such stories have relevance not only because they show the history of unjust exclusionary practices of U.S. immigration authorities, said Cristina Mora, co-director of UC Berkeley’s Institute for Governmental Studies, which hosted Ramírez. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It’s also an example of women’s resilience and their continued fight to obtain their rights,” she said. “Despite all these challenges, we’re still here. Generations of us are still here, still building, still creating and still demanding that this place live up to its values.\u003cem>”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Historian Draws Parallels Between Trump and 1920s Immigration Policy | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>It was a campaign of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mass-deportations\">mass deportation\u003c/a>, with immigration authorities engaged in racial profiling and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12056762/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-sue-the-trump-administration-to-end-courthouse-arrests\">disregarding the rights\u003c/a> of the people they arrested, many of whom were in the United States legally. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>That’s a charge that’s been leveled at President Donald Trump’s current enforcement efforts, with agents detaining people they perceived as immigrants without legal status on the streets of cities like Los Angeles and Minneapolis, frequently without warrants and referring to them by racial slurs. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It also describes a little-known chapter of U.S. history: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002189/over-1-million-were-deported-to-mexico-nearly-100-years-ago-most-of-them-were-u-s-citizens\">“Mexican Repatriation” \u003c/a>that began amid rising xenophobia in the 1920s and gained steam during the Great Depression, said historian Marla Ramírez, who spoke about the parallels at UC Berkeley’s Institute for Governmental Studies last week. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260916-HiddenICESFO-NG-27_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12100407\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260916-HiddenICESFO-NG-27_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260916-HiddenICESFO-NG-27_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260916-HiddenICESFO-NG-27_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A demonstrator holds a sign at the departing wing of San Francisco International Airport’s International Terminal where the San Francisco Chronicle has reported that Customs and Border Protection has a hidden detention center where dozens of detainees have been arrested and held for more than a week on Sept. 16, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>An estimated 1 million people were sent to Mexico in the period between World War I and World War II, and the majority of them were U.S. citizens, according to Ramírez, a professor at the University of Wisconsin and author of \u003ca href=\"https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674295940\">a recent book\u003c/a>, “Banished Citizens: A History of the Mexican American Women Who Endured Repatriation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“What happened during the interwar period and what’s happening now is that we have this stereotypical image of an immigrant that’s always rooted in who’s white and who’s not white,” she said. “We see U.S. citizens of non-white phenotypes being questioned, being arrested even, because they’ve been imagined to be immigrants, even when they’re U.S. citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Recent lawsuits have alleged — through officer bodycam footage, witnesses and individual testimonies — that agents have denied some people the opportunity to produce proof of legal status during their arrest, speak to an attorney while detained or present their case to an immigration judge before they are deported.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The current environment echoes the immigration policing of a century ago, Ramírez said, and it poses a danger not only to immigrants but to society as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Whenever we are willing to turn a blind eye to the civil rights and constitutional rights of a group, it becomes a dangerous, slippery slope,” she said. “It gives [the government] permission to ignore those same rights for other groups.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security has repeatedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100391/judge-says-immigration-agents-must-stop-the-way-theyre-conducting-warrantless-arrests\">denied violating the rights\u003c/a> of people arrested during immigration enforcement actions.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After the UC Berkeley talk, Julia Curry Rodríguez, an emerita professor from San José State University, said Ramírez’s research shows how authorities sometimes disregard policies and laws to make violations against immigrants appear justified. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“In the early part of the 20th century, we see a twisting of rules to do things that shouldn’t have been allowed to happen,” she said. “It tells us we have to be astute. … We can’t allow someone to tell us, ‘We have the right,’ when they don’t.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1876\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12100817\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED.jpg 1876w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260921-Deportation-lessons-KQED-1536x1091.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1876px) 100vw, 1876px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Left: The cover of Marla Ramírez’s book “Banished Citizens: A History of The Mexican American Woman who Endured Repatriation.”\u003cbr>Right: Marla Ramírez is an assistant professor of history and Chicano/a studies at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. (Courtesy of Marla Ramírez)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ramírez searched the archives of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service (the agency that predated the Department of Homeland Security) and found evidence that the government knew it was expelling U.S. citizens in typed rosters of people deported to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One list, from July 1939, included 36-year-old Juan Franco, a Mexican national, and his wife, Juana Cuevas, 28, whose nationality is listed as “United States,” as is that of their four children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Another man, Pedro Cruz, 79, a Mexican national, was deported along with his wife, Isabel Martinez, and their seven children, two daughters-in-law, a son-in-law and 12 grandchildren, all of them U.S. nationals, the archival records show.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The fact that these women and children were Americans means that “repatriation” and even “deportation” are inaccurate terms, Ramírez said. Instead, she chose to refer to these U.S. citizens as “banished” to Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The government justified the removals with the assumption that men were the breadwinners in a family and if husbands were deported, their wives and children would become dependent on public benefits, or — in the phrasing of an 1882 immigration law — they would be “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100528/applying-for-a-green-card-or-a-visa-what-to-know-about-the-new-public-charge-rule\">public charges\u003c/a>,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/gettyimages-2238189274-scaled-e1789757180450.jpeg\" alt=\"A federal officer stands in a hallway at New York Federal Plaza Immigration Court inside the Jacob K. Javitz Federal Building in New York in October 2025.\" class=\"wp-image-12085161\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A federal officer stands in a hallway at New York Federal Plaza Immigration Court inside the Jacob K. Javitz Federal Building in New York in October 2025. (Charly Triballeau/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Beyond that, she said her research showed that immigration authorities dusted off a 19th-century legal doctrine known as “coverture,” under which a woman’s legal rights were “subsumed,” first by her father and then her husband. But, she said, by the time the “repatriation” began in the 1920s, those laws had long been overturned by the efforts of the women’s suffrage movement. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Through mental gymnastics, including in Congressional debates, public officials swept wives and children under a man’s non-citizen status, then applied to them a 1917 law that said immigrants deemed public charges could be deportable, Ramírez said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>So if the father or husband was to be removed, then the women and children were seen as a public charge,” she said. “Then these U.S. citizens were imagined also as removable even though they were not immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The impact of these removals rippled across the decades, she found, with families losing generational wealth and women fighting for years to prove their U.S. citizenship. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The book documents the experience of Trinidad Rodríguez. Born in Redlands, Calif., to a U.S.-born mother, she was sent to Mexico with her family as a 5-year-old in 1922. As an adult, she spent years trying to return to California to obtain a copy of her birth certificate, which had been confiscated by authorities when she was removed from the U.S. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2197914000-scaled-e1740613370625.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12026832\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A protester waves the national flags of Mexico during a demonstration for immigrants’ rights outside of Los Angeles City Hall on Feb. 5, 2025. (Qian Weizhong/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When she finally got it, in 1969, she couldn’t afford the legal fees and applications to establish residency for herself and her family. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Her son and his children were entitled to derive citizenship through Rodríguez. But years later, several grandchildren entered the U.S. without authorization and wound up living as immigrants without legal status, Ramírez said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Such stories have relevance not only because they show the history of unjust exclusionary practices of U.S. immigration authorities, said Cristina Mora, co-director of UC Berkeley’s Institute for Governmental Studies, which hosted Ramírez. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It’s also an example of women’s resilience and their continued fight to obtain their rights,” she said. “Despite all these challenges, we’re still here. Generations of us are still here, still building, still creating and still demanding that this place live up to its values.\u003cem>”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Here’s What California Is Learning From Solar Panels Built Over Irrigation Canals",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/flippingtheswitch\">Flipping the Switch\u003c/a>, KQED’s series about California’s transition to clean energy and what it means for you. What works? What doesn’t? And how much does it cost? \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Driving from Los Angeles to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, Jordan Harris saw the concrete canals that transport water across the state slowly evaporating under the scorching West Coast sun.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harris said he spent a lot of his life in France, where he noticed how trees lined the canals and protected their precious water from the wind and sun. “And so I started thinking, could we do something similar in California?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California’s extensive network of canals and aqueducts is the lifeblood of the state, providing clean water to populous cities and expansive farms that wouldn’t otherwise have it. While the state has long struggled with evaporation, researchers at UC Davis estimate that California’s total water supply could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucdavis.edu/climate/blog/california-risks-billions-economic-losses-without-water-supply-action\">shrink\u003c/a> by up to 25% by 2050, the equivalent of two Lake Shastas. They attribute the decline, in part, to hotter temperatures caused by climate change. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In an effort to limit warming poised to dry out the state, California pledged to shift to 100% clean electricity by 2045. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001988\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar panels cover part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal as part of Project Nexus in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The state currently generates \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2024-total-system-electric-generation\">62%\u003c/a> of its electricity from renewable and zero-carbon sources, with the largest percentage of that coming from \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2024-total-system-electric-generation\">solar\u003c/a>. But meeting California’s energy demand will require an \u003ca href=\"https://www.scienceforconservation.org/assets/downloads/TNC_The_Pace_of_Solar_Progress_Final_Report.pdf\">unprecedented expansion of solar and storage capacity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Thinking back to the baking concrete canals, Harris pitched an “obvious” solution to his friend Robin Raj: Why not build solar panels on top of California’s 4,000 miles of open canals that transport water across the state? The panels would produce clean energy while limiting evaporation by shading the canal — a win-win. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The duo went on to start Solar Aquagrid, an advocacy firm dedicated to reimagining aging canals, and partnered with the Turlock Irrigation District, UC Merced and the California Department of Water Resources to cover small sections of Turlock’s canals with solar panels. The new “solar canal” provides shade to limit evaporation and generates power all in one neat package. They call it Project Nexus, and it operates at the intersection of the state’s need for clean water and energy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Project Nexus tests not one, but three different solar canal models. A wide-span canopy rises over one of Turlock’s 115-foot canals, resembling the top of a barn. A more classic set of slanting solar panels sits atop a 20-foot canal. And accordion-like retractable panels are positioned low across the narrow canal, ready to roll up at a moment’s notice. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Raj affectionately called the wide-span canopy his “singular field of dream.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Roger Bales, a professor at UC Merced who co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt8cj5j07p/qt8cj5j07p.pdf\">2021\u003c/a> study that helped convince the state to invest in this pilot, said his initial calculations indicate that putting panels over 100 miles of Turlock’s narrow canals could save enough water for 2,700 households annually. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If the state put panels over 100 miles of the wide canals, it could save 11,000 households’ worth. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>He also estimates that the narrow and the wide canal could generate 330 to 1,4000 megawatts per hundred miles respectively — enough to power 77,000 to 304,000 households.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The pilot was fully completed and energized last year. Earlier this month, Harris walked alongside the solar panels that arched over a 115-foot canal. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001982\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar AquaGrid co-founders Jordan Harris (left) and Robin Raj walk alongside solar panels covering part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. Solar AquaGrid helped develop Project Nexus, a pilot project testing the use of solar panels over working irrigation canals. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“These are disturbed spaces,” Harris said, pointing to the concrete ditch filled with murky water. “So why not take advantage of the fact that we’ve already done that and help them work harder, be more efficient, produce more and protect what’s around us?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The research team also found numerous “co-benefits,” or silver linings that make the project more valuable than the sum of its water and power. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bales said shading the canals led to less algal growth and less fixed aquatic weed growth — reducing maintenance and improving water quality.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Preventing new solar development on natural land benefits both people and planet, Bale added, emphasizing how preserving these lands is essential for maintaining life “as we know it on the Earth.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Acquiring permits to build on undeveloped land can be a major bottleneck for developers, too. Building on open space takes 621 days on average, compared with 110 days for projects on developed land, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scienceforconservation.org/assets/downloads/TNC_The_Pace_of_Solar_Progress_Final_Report.pdf\">study\u003c/a> from The Nature Conservancy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001987\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Turlock Irrigation District canal in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Given the numerous benefits, Bales said the project “just makes sense.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But just because something makes sense does not mean it’s easy to implement. “We often talk about the challenges of getting to the obvious,” Harris said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Projects touching land, water and power often involve coordinating many stakeholders. California’s canals can be managed by state or federal water agencies, as well as municipal governments and local irrigation districts. These operators often do not own the land around the canal, let alone the infrastructure to transmit the power to utilities — one of the most expensive parts of renewable energy projects, according to Harris. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harris and Raj found their “ideal” partner in Turlock Irrigation District, a 139-year-old irrigation district operating 250 miles of canals that provides both water and power to nearly 5,000 farmers in the Central Valley growing everything from beans to peaches. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It is one of four irrigation districts in California providing both water and retail power, noted Josh Weimer, a spokesperson for Turlock.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Weimer said that the project received little pushback from locals, in part because, while the Irrigation District used some staff time for the project, a $20 million state grant paid for both the research and the infrastructure. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Weimer described the project as a “proof of concept” that generates just 1.7 megawatts of energy, a tiny fraction of the 56 megawatts that they generate with a solar farm in the desert. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But the canal site hosts more than just panels. Bales said they “have instruments out there to measure temperature, relative humidity, wind speed, incoming radiation, outgoing radiation, and a prototype instrument to measure evaporation directly.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When it comes to algae, the panels helped. “Last year when we drained the canal at the end of the irrigation season, there was a physical line on the sun side of the canal that had algae growth and then not algae growth from where the shade was,” Weimer said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Turlock’s solar panels tower above the water because the irrigation district cleans the canals on a regular basis with equipment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001981\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar panels cover part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal as part of Project Nexus in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This isn’t gonna be the only way to do it,” Weimer said — describing how they drag a massive anchor chain through the water to rip out weeds. Similar panels in India and Arizona sit low over the canals, leaving little room for the kind of cleaning that Turlock needs to do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Over in Contra Costa County, the urban landscape makes any kind of solar canal project unrealistic, said Jennifer Allen, a spokesperson for the county’s water district.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa Water District manages 48 miles of canals winding from Knightsen to Martinez. The Bureau of Reclamation built the system back in the 1930s when the region was predominantly farmland — much like Turlock. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Today, the canal system runs through backyards and public parks.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Something like Project Nexus wouldn’t work because maintenance workers need to access the canals and have limited space to work alongside them, Allen said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001984\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar AquaGrid co-founder Robin Raj stands near solar panels covering part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. The company helped develop Project Nexus, a pilot project testing solar panels over working irrigation canals. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Even though the canal is fenced in, “we have instances where we have cars go into the canal — we’ll have people go into the canal, and animals go into the canal,” Allen said, describing some of the challenges they faced as an urban water district. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“What Turlock is doing with their projects is very impressive, but we have a different-looking canal system going through our service area,” Allen said. They are looking to put their canals into pipes to avoid evaporation, instead. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Andrew Schwarz, a spokesperson for the state’s Department of Water Resources, said that they are waiting to see the final report before deciding to invest in more projects. “These canals vary widely — from narrow, unlined dirt channels that deliver irrigation water to individual fields, to concrete-lined channels over a hundred feet wide that transport water across California,” Schwarz said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The state remains focused on “evaluation, continued study, potential scaling and lessons learned.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Critical infrastructure change is really hard, and if you don’t have science behind it to justify the expense and be able to quantify the benefits, then you’re not gonna scale,” Harris said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We are fortunate to live in California where this is a priority and where our state agencies are open to this level of examination and exploration,” Raj said. “That can’t be taken for granted.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The final report comes out later this year.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium aligncenter\" style=\"width: 500px;margin: 80px auto 40px\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/KQED-membership-your-support-makes-this-work-possible-500x353@2x.png\" alt=\"Your support makes this work possible.\" width=\"1000\" height=\"706\" />\nFrom KQED’s Climate desk, “Flipping the Switch” documents California’s transition to clean energy and what it means for you. What works? What doesn’t? How much does it cost? Help us find these answers and more by donating today.\n\u003ca href=\"https://donate.kqed.org/sojo?ms=W2510EANXXXX26\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter\" style=\"width: 272px;margin: 40px auto\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/KQED-membership-support-kqed-journalism-272x57@2x.png\" alt=\"Button: Support KQED journalism\" width=\"544\" height=\"114\" />\u003c/a>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/flippingtheswitch\">Flipping the Switch\u003c/a>, KQED’s series about California’s transition to clean energy and what it means for you. What works? What doesn’t? And how much does it cost? \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/flippingtheswitch\">Flipping the Switch\u003c/a>, KQED’s series about California’s transition to clean energy and what it means for you. What works? What doesn’t? And how much does it cost? \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Driving from Los Angeles to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, Jordan Harris saw the concrete canals that transport water across the state slowly evaporating under the scorching West Coast sun.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Driving from Los Angeles to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, Jordan Harris saw the concrete canals that transport water across the state slowly evaporating under the scorching West Coast sun.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Harris said he spent a lot of his life in France, where he noticed how trees lined the canals and protected their precious water from the wind and sun. “And so I started thinking, could we do something similar in California?”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Harris said he spent a lot of his life in France, where he noticed how trees lined the canals and protected their precious water from the wind and sun. “And so I started thinking, could we do something similar in California?”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>California’s extensive network of canals and aqueducts is the lifeblood of the state, providing clean water to populous cities and expansive farms that wouldn’t otherwise have it. While the state has long struggled with evaporation, researchers at UC Davis estimate that California’s total water supply could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucdavis.edu/climate/blog/california-risks-billions-economic-losses-without-water-supply-action\">shrink\u003c/a> by up to 25% by 2050, the equivalent of two Lake Shastas. They attribute the decline, in part, to hotter temperatures caused by climate change. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>California’s extensive network of canals and aqueducts is the lifeblood of the state, providing clean water to populous cities and expansive farms that wouldn’t otherwise have it. While the state has long struggled with evaporation, researchers at UC Davis estimate that California’s total water supply could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucdavis.edu/climate/blog/california-risks-billions-economic-losses-without-water-supply-action\">shrink\u003c/a> by up to 25% by 2050, the equivalent of two Lake Shastas. They attribute the decline, in part, to hotter temperatures caused by climate change. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In an effort to limit warming poised to dry out the state, California pledged to shift to 100% clean electricity by 2045. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In an effort to limit warming poised to dry out the state, California pledged to shift to 100% clean electricity by 2045. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001988\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar panels cover part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal as part of Project Nexus in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001988\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar panels cover part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal as part of Project Nexus in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The state currently generates \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2024-total-system-electric-generation\">62%\u003c/a> of its electricity from renewable and zero-carbon sources, with the largest percentage of that coming from \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2024-total-system-electric-generation\">solar\u003c/a>. But meeting California’s energy demand will require an \u003ca href=\"https://www.scienceforconservation.org/assets/downloads/TNC_The_Pace_of_Solar_Progress_Final_Report.pdf\">unprecedented expansion of solar and storage capacity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The state currently generates \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2024-total-system-electric-generation\">62%\u003c/a> of its electricity from renewable and zero-carbon sources, with the largest percentage of that coming from \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2024-total-system-electric-generation\">solar\u003c/a>. But meeting California’s energy demand will require an \u003ca href=\"https://www.scienceforconservation.org/assets/downloads/TNC_The_Pace_of_Solar_Progress_Final_Report.pdf\">unprecedented expansion of solar and storage capacity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Thinking back to the baking concrete canals, Harris pitched an “obvious” solution to his friend Robin Raj: Why not build solar panels on top of California’s 4,000 miles of open canals that transport water across the state? The panels would produce clean energy while limiting evaporation by shading the canal — a win-win. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Thinking back to the baking concrete canals, Harris pitched an “obvious” solution to his friend Robin Raj: Why not build solar panels on top of California’s 4,000 miles of open canals that transport water across the state? The panels would produce clean energy while limiting evaporation by shading the canal — a win-win. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The duo went on to start Solar Aquagrid, an advocacy firm dedicated to reimagining aging canals, and partnered with the Turlock Irrigation District, UC Merced and the California Department of Water Resources to cover small sections of Turlock’s canals with solar panels. The new “solar canal” provides shade to limit evaporation and generates power all in one neat package. They call it Project Nexus, and it operates at the intersection of the state’s need for clean water and energy. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The duo went on to start Solar Aquagrid, an advocacy firm dedicated to reimagining aging canals, and partnered with the Turlock Irrigation District, UC Merced and the California Department of Water Resources to cover small sections of Turlock’s canals with solar panels. The new “solar canal” provides shade to limit evaporation and generates power all in one neat package. They call it Project Nexus, and it operates at the intersection of the state’s need for clean water and energy. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Project Nexus tests not one, but three different solar canal models. A wide-span canopy rises over one of Turlock’s 115-foot canals, resembling the top of a barn. A more classic set of slanting solar panels sits atop a 20-foot canal. And accordion-like retractable panels are positioned low across the narrow canal, ready to roll up at a moment’s notice. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Project Nexus tests not one, but three different solar canal models. A wide-span canopy rises over one of Turlock’s 115-foot canals, resembling the top of a barn. A more classic set of slanting solar panels sits atop a 20-foot canal. And accordion-like retractable panels are positioned low across the narrow canal, ready to roll up at a moment’s notice. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Raj affectionately called the wide-span canopy his “singular field of dream.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Roger Bales, a professor at UC Merced who co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt8cj5j07p/qt8cj5j07p.pdf\">2021\u003c/a> study that helped convince the state to invest in this pilot, said his initial calculations indicate that putting panels over 100 miles of Turlock’s narrow canals could save enough water for 2,700 households annually. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Roger Bales, a professor at UC Merced who co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt8cj5j07p/qt8cj5j07p.pdf\">2021\u003c/a> study that helped convince the state to invest in this pilot, said his initial calculations indicate that putting panels over 100 miles of Turlock’s narrow canals could save enough water for 2,700 households annually. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>If the state put panels over 100 miles of the wide canals, it could save 11,000 households’ worth. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>If the state put panels over 100 miles of the wide canals, it could save 11,000 households’ worth. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>He also estimates that the narrow and the wide canal could generate 330 to 1,4000 megawatts per hundred miles respectively — enough to power 77,000 to 304,000 households.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>He also estimates that the narrow and the wide canal could generate 330 to 1,4000 megawatts per hundred miles respectively — enough to power 77,000 to 304,000 households.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The pilot was fully completed and energized last year. Earlier this month, Harris walked alongside the solar panels that arched over a 115-foot canal. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The pilot was fully completed and energized last year. Earlier this month, Harris walked alongside the solar panels that arched over a 115-foot canal. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001982\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar AquaGrid co-founders Jordan Harris (left) and Robin Raj walk alongside solar panels covering part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. Solar AquaGrid helped develop Project Nexus, a pilot project testing the use of solar panels over working irrigation canals.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“These are disturbed spaces,” Harris said, pointing to the concrete ditch filled with murky water. “So why not take advantage of the fact that we’ve already done that and help them work harder, be more efficient, produce more and protect what’s around us?”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The research team also found numerous “co-benefits,” or silver linings that make the project more valuable than the sum of its water and power. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Bales said shading the canals led to less algal growth and less fixed aquatic weed growth — reducing maintenance and improving water quality.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Preventing new solar development on natural land benefits both people and planet, Bale added, emphasizing how preserving these lands is essential for maintaining life “as we know it on the Earth.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Acquiring permits to build on undeveloped land can be a major bottleneck for developers, too. Building on open space takes 621 days on average, compared with 110 days for projects on developed land, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scienceforconservation.org/assets/downloads/TNC_The_Pace_of_Solar_Progress_Final_Report.pdf\">study\u003c/a> from The Nature Conservancy.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Given the numerous benefits, Bales said the project “just makes sense.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But just because something makes sense does not mean it’s easy to implement. “We often talk about the challenges of getting to the obvious,” Harris said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Projects touching land, water and power often involve coordinating many stakeholders. California’s canals can be managed by state or federal water agencies, as well as municipal governments and local irrigation districts. These operators often do not own the land around the canal, let alone the infrastructure to transmit the power to utilities — one of the most expensive parts of renewable energy projects, according to Harris. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Harris and Raj found their “ideal” partner in Turlock Irrigation District, a 139-year-old irrigation district operating 250 miles of canals that provides both water and power to nearly 5,000 farmers in the Central Valley growing everything from beans to peaches. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>It is one of four irrigation districts in California providing both water and retail power, noted Josh Weimer, a spokesperson for Turlock.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Weimer said that the project received little pushback from locals, in part because, while the Irrigation District used some staff time for the project, a $20 million state grant paid for both the research and the infrastructure. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Weimer said that the project received little pushback from locals, in part because, while the Irrigation District used some staff time for the project, a $20 million state grant paid for both the research and the infrastructure. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Weimer described the project as a “proof of concept” that generates just 1.7 megawatts of energy, a tiny fraction of the 56 megawatts that they generate with a solar farm in the desert. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Weimer described the project as a “proof of concept” that generates just 1.7 megawatts of energy, a tiny fraction of the 56 megawatts that they generate with a solar farm in the desert. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But the canal site hosts more than just panels. Bales said they “have instruments out there to measure temperature, relative humidity, wind speed, incoming radiation, outgoing radiation, and a prototype instrument to measure evaporation directly.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>But the canal site hosts more than just panels. Bales said they “have instruments out there to measure temperature, relative humidity, wind speed, incoming radiation, outgoing radiation, and a prototype instrument to measure evaporation directly.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>When it comes to algae, the panels helped. “Last year when we drained the canal at the end of the irrigation season, there was a physical line on the sun side of the canal that had algae growth and then not algae growth from where the shade was,” Weimer said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>When it comes to algae, the panels helped. “Last year when we drained the canal at the end of the irrigation season, there was a physical line on the sun side of the canal that had algae growth and then not algae growth from where the shade was,” Weimer said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Turlock’s solar panels tower above the water because the irrigation district cleans the canals on a regular basis with equipment. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001981\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar panels cover part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal as part of Project Nexus in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001981\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar panels cover part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal as part of Project Nexus in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This isn’t gonna be the only way to do it,” Weimer said — describing how they drag a massive anchor chain through the water to rip out weeds. Similar panels in India and Arizona sit low over the canals, leaving little room for the kind of cleaning that Turlock needs to do. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“This isn’t gonna be the only way to do it,” Weimer said — describing how they drag a massive anchor chain through the water to rip out weeds. Similar panels in India and Arizona sit low over the canals, leaving little room for the kind of cleaning that Turlock needs to do. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Over in Contra Costa County, the urban landscape makes any kind of solar canal project unrealistic, said Jennifer Allen, a spokesperson for the county’s water district.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa Water District manages 48 miles of canals winding from Knightsen to Martinez. The Bureau of Reclamation built the system back in the 1930s when the region was predominantly farmland — much like Turlock. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Something like Project Nexus wouldn’t work because maintenance workers need to access the canals and have limited space to work alongside them, Allen said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001984\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar AquaGrid co-founder Robin Raj stands near solar panels covering part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. The company helped develop Project Nexus, a pilot project testing solar panels over working irrigation canals.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Even though the canal is fenced in, “we have instances where we have cars go into the canal — we’ll have people go into the canal, and animals go into the canal,” Allen said, describing some of the challenges they faced as an urban water district. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“What Turlock is doing with their projects is very impressive, but we have a different-looking canal system going through our service area,” Allen said. They are looking to put their canals into pipes to avoid evaporation, instead. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Andrew Schwarz, a spokesperson for the state’s Department of Water Resources, said that they are waiting to see the final report before deciding to invest in more projects. “These canals vary widely — from narrow, unlined dirt channels that deliver irrigation water to individual fields, to concrete-lined channels over a hundred feet wide that transport water across California,” Schwarz said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Andrew Schwarz, a spokesperson for the state’s Department of Water Resources, said that they are waiting to see the final report before deciding to invest in more projects. “These canals vary widely — from narrow, unlined dirt channels that deliver irrigation water to individual fields, to concrete-lined channels over a hundred feet wide that transport water across California,” Schwarz said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The state remains focused on “evaluation, continued study, potential scaling and lessons learned.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Critical infrastructure change is really hard, and if you don’t have science behind it to justify the expense and be able to quantify the benefits, then you’re not gonna scale,” Harris said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We are fortunate to live in California where this is a priority and where our state agencies are open to this level of examination and exploration,” Raj said. “That can’t be taken for granted.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“We are fortunate to live in California where this is a priority and where our state agencies are open to this level of examination and exploration,” Raj said. “That can’t be taken for granted.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The final report comes out later this year.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cimg class=\"size-medium aligncenter\" style=\"width: 500px;margin: 80px auto 40px\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/KQED-membership-your-support-makes-this-work-possible-500x353@2x.png\" alt=\"Your support makes this work possible.\" width=\"1000\" height=\"706\" />\nFrom KQED’s Climate desk, “Flipping the Switch” documents California’s transition to clean energy and what it means for you. What works? What doesn’t? How much does it cost? Help us find these answers and more by donating today.\n\u003ca href=\"https://donate.kqed.org/sojo?ms=W2510EANXXXX26\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter\" style=\"width: 272px;margin: 40px auto\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/KQED-membership-support-kqed-journalism-272x57@2x.png\" alt=\"Button: Support KQED journalism\" width=\"544\" height=\"114\" />\u003c/a>\n",
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"\n\u003cimg class=\"size-medium aligncenter\" style=\"width: 500px;margin: 80px auto 40px\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/KQED-membership-your-support-makes-this-work-possible-500x353@2x.png\" alt=\"Your support makes this work possible.\" width=\"1000\" height=\"706\" />\nFrom KQED’s Climate desk, “Flipping the Switch” documents California’s transition to clean energy and what it means for you. What works? What doesn’t? How much does it cost? Help us find these answers and more by donating today.\n\u003ca href=\"https://donate.kqed.org/sojo?ms=W2510EANXXXX26\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter\" style=\"width: 272px;margin: 40px auto\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/KQED-membership-support-kqed-journalism-272x57@2x.png\" alt=\"Button: Support KQED journalism\" width=\"544\" height=\"114\" />\u003c/a>\n"
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"excerpt": "California solar panels tower over canals in Turlock, proving to save water, produce clean energy and improve local water quality.",
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"title": "Here’s What California Is Learning From Solar Panels Built Over Irrigation Canals | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/flippingtheswitch\">Flipping the Switch\u003c/a>, KQED’s series about California’s transition to clean energy and what it means for you. What works? What doesn’t? And how much does it cost? \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Driving from Los Angeles to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, Jordan Harris saw the concrete canals that transport water across the state slowly evaporating under the scorching West Coast sun.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harris said he spent a lot of his life in France, where he noticed how trees lined the canals and protected their precious water from the wind and sun. “And so I started thinking, could we do something similar in California?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California’s extensive network of canals and aqueducts is the lifeblood of the state, providing clean water to populous cities and expansive farms that wouldn’t otherwise have it. While the state has long struggled with evaporation, researchers at UC Davis estimate that California’s total water supply could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucdavis.edu/climate/blog/california-risks-billions-economic-losses-without-water-supply-action\">shrink\u003c/a> by up to 25% by 2050, the equivalent of two Lake Shastas. They attribute the decline, in part, to hotter temperatures caused by climate change. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In an effort to limit warming poised to dry out the state, California pledged to shift to 100% clean electricity by 2045. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001988\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar panels cover part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal as part of Project Nexus in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The state currently generates \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2024-total-system-electric-generation\">62%\u003c/a> of its electricity from renewable and zero-carbon sources, with the largest percentage of that coming from \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/data-reports/energy-almanac/california-electricity-data/2024-total-system-electric-generation\">solar\u003c/a>. But meeting California’s energy demand will require an \u003ca href=\"https://www.scienceforconservation.org/assets/downloads/TNC_The_Pace_of_Solar_Progress_Final_Report.pdf\">unprecedented expansion of solar and storage capacity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Thinking back to the baking concrete canals, Harris pitched an “obvious” solution to his friend Robin Raj: Why not build solar panels on top of California’s 4,000 miles of open canals that transport water across the state? The panels would produce clean energy while limiting evaporation by shading the canal — a win-win. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The duo went on to start Solar Aquagrid, an advocacy firm dedicated to reimagining aging canals, and partnered with the Turlock Irrigation District, UC Merced and the California Department of Water Resources to cover small sections of Turlock’s canals with solar panels. The new “solar canal” provides shade to limit evaporation and generates power all in one neat package. They call it Project Nexus, and it operates at the intersection of the state’s need for clean water and energy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Project Nexus tests not one, but three different solar canal models. A wide-span canopy rises over one of Turlock’s 115-foot canals, resembling the top of a barn. A more classic set of slanting solar panels sits atop a 20-foot canal. And accordion-like retractable panels are positioned low across the narrow canal, ready to roll up at a moment’s notice. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Raj affectionately called the wide-span canopy his “singular field of dream.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Roger Bales, a professor at UC Merced who co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt8cj5j07p/qt8cj5j07p.pdf\">2021\u003c/a> study that helped convince the state to invest in this pilot, said his initial calculations indicate that putting panels over 100 miles of Turlock’s narrow canals could save enough water for 2,700 households annually. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If the state put panels over 100 miles of the wide canals, it could save 11,000 households’ worth. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>He also estimates that the narrow and the wide canal could generate 330 to 1,4000 megawatts per hundred miles respectively — enough to power 77,000 to 304,000 households.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The pilot was fully completed and energized last year. Earlier this month, Harris walked alongside the solar panels that arched over a 115-foot canal. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001982\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-10-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar AquaGrid co-founders Jordan Harris (left) and Robin Raj walk alongside solar panels covering part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. Solar AquaGrid helped develop Project Nexus, a pilot project testing the use of solar panels over working irrigation canals. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“These are disturbed spaces,” Harris said, pointing to the concrete ditch filled with murky water. “So why not take advantage of the fact that we’ve already done that and help them work harder, be more efficient, produce more and protect what’s around us?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The research team also found numerous “co-benefits,” or silver linings that make the project more valuable than the sum of its water and power. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bales said shading the canals led to less algal growth and less fixed aquatic weed growth — reducing maintenance and improving water quality.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Preventing new solar development on natural land benefits both people and planet, Bale added, emphasizing how preserving these lands is essential for maintaining life “as we know it on the Earth.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Acquiring permits to build on undeveloped land can be a major bottleneck for developers, too. Building on open space takes 621 days on average, compared with 110 days for projects on developed land, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scienceforconservation.org/assets/downloads/TNC_The_Pace_of_Solar_Progress_Final_Report.pdf\">study\u003c/a> from The Nature Conservancy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001987\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-25-BL-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Turlock Irrigation District canal in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Given the numerous benefits, Bales said the project “just makes sense.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But just because something makes sense does not mean it’s easy to implement. “We often talk about the challenges of getting to the obvious,” Harris said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Projects touching land, water and power often involve coordinating many stakeholders. California’s canals can be managed by state or federal water agencies, as well as municipal governments and local irrigation districts. These operators often do not own the land around the canal, let alone the infrastructure to transmit the power to utilities — one of the most expensive parts of renewable energy projects, according to Harris. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Harris and Raj found their “ideal” partner in Turlock Irrigation District, a 139-year-old irrigation district operating 250 miles of canals that provides both water and power to nearly 5,000 farmers in the Central Valley growing everything from beans to peaches. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It is one of four irrigation districts in California providing both water and retail power, noted Josh Weimer, a spokesperson for Turlock.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Weimer said that the project received little pushback from locals, in part because, while the Irrigation District used some staff time for the project, a $20 million state grant paid for both the research and the infrastructure. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Weimer described the project as a “proof of concept” that generates just 1.7 megawatts of energy, a tiny fraction of the 56 megawatts that they generate with a solar farm in the desert. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But the canal site hosts more than just panels. Bales said they “have instruments out there to measure temperature, relative humidity, wind speed, incoming radiation, outgoing radiation, and a prototype instrument to measure evaporation directly.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When it comes to algae, the panels helped. “Last year when we drained the canal at the end of the irrigation season, there was a physical line on the sun side of the canal that had algae growth and then not algae growth from where the shade was,” Weimer said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Turlock’s solar panels tower above the water because the irrigation district cleans the canals on a regular basis with equipment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001981\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar panels cover part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal as part of Project Nexus in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This isn’t gonna be the only way to do it,” Weimer said — describing how they drag a massive anchor chain through the water to rip out weeds. Similar panels in India and Arizona sit low over the canals, leaving little room for the kind of cleaning that Turlock needs to do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Over in Contra Costa County, the urban landscape makes any kind of solar canal project unrealistic, said Jennifer Allen, a spokesperson for the county’s water district.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa Water District manages 48 miles of canals winding from Knightsen to Martinez. The Bureau of Reclamation built the system back in the 1930s when the region was predominantly farmland — much like Turlock. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Today, the canal system runs through backyards and public parks.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Something like Project Nexus wouldn’t work because maintenance workers need to access the canals and have limited space to work alongside them, Allen said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-2001984\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2026/09/260904-ClimateSolutionsSolarCanal-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solar AquaGrid co-founder Robin Raj stands near solar panels covering part of a Turlock Irrigation District canal in Hickman, California, on Sept. 4, 2026. The company helped develop Project Nexus, a pilot project testing solar panels over working irrigation canals. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Even though the canal is fenced in, “we have instances where we have cars go into the canal — we’ll have people go into the canal, and animals go into the canal,” Allen said, describing some of the challenges they faced as an urban water district. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“What Turlock is doing with their projects is very impressive, but we have a different-looking canal system going through our service area,” Allen said. They are looking to put their canals into pipes to avoid evaporation, instead. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Andrew Schwarz, a spokesperson for the state’s Department of Water Resources, said that they are waiting to see the final report before deciding to invest in more projects. “These canals vary widely — from narrow, unlined dirt channels that deliver irrigation water to individual fields, to concrete-lined channels over a hundred feet wide that transport water across California,” Schwarz said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The state remains focused on “evaluation, continued study, potential scaling and lessons learned.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Critical infrastructure change is really hard, and if you don’t have science behind it to justify the expense and be able to quantify the benefits, then you’re not gonna scale,” Harris said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We are fortunate to live in California where this is a priority and where our state agencies are open to this level of examination and exploration,” Raj said. “That can’t be taken for granted.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The final report comes out later this year.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium aligncenter\" style=\"width: 500px;margin: 80px auto 40px\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/KQED-membership-your-support-makes-this-work-possible-500x353@2x.png\" alt=\"Your support makes this work possible.\" width=\"1000\" height=\"706\" />\nFrom KQED’s Climate desk, “Flipping the Switch” documents California’s transition to clean energy and what it means for you. What works? What doesn’t? How much does it cost? Help us find these answers and more by donating today.\n\u003ca href=\"https://donate.kqed.org/sojo?ms=W2510EANXXXX26\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter\" style=\"width: 272px;margin: 40px auto\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/KQED-membership-support-kqed-journalism-272x57@2x.png\" alt=\"Button: Support KQED journalism\" width=\"544\" height=\"114\" />\u003c/a>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "lawsuit-pressuring-california-to-decide-wage-theft-claims-faster-moves-forward",
"title": "Lawsuit Pressuring California to Decide Wage-Theft Claims Faster Moves Forward",
"publishDate": 1789988400,
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"headTitle": "Lawsuit Pressuring California to Decide Wage-Theft Claims Faster Moves Forward | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>A legal challenge seeking to pressure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> to correct long delays in deciding wage-theft claims can move forward, according to a state judge in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>By law, the California Division of Labor Standards Enforcement must resolve worker complaints of underpayment within 135 days, or less than five months. But the agency, also known as the Labor Commissioner’s Office, often takes years to determine whether employers owe any money. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The failure hurts low-income people seeking restitution for wages owed and undermines state efforts to hold employers accountable, said Alexx Campbell, an attorney with Legal Aid at Work in San Francisco, who has seen clients mired in a backlog impacting thousands of Californians. Many workers give up, he added. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We just need the state government as a whole, and that includes the Labor Commissioner’s Office, to come up with solutions to figure out how to provide workers with access to a functional process where they can recover their wages,” Campbell said. “Because right now, that’s not happening.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people holding signs in Spanish, protesting in front of a Burger King restaurant.\" class=\"wp-image-11903335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Workers demand a Burger King franchisee pay wages owed to them, on Oct. 25, 2019. The company operating the franchise, Golden Gate Restaurant Group, was cited by the state Labor Commissioner’s Office for multiple violations, including failing to pay workers minimum wage and other violations. (Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Researchers estimate that workers statewide lose $2 billion to $4 billion per year in pay due to employer violations of minimum wage, overtime, meal breaks and other required protections. Those most impacted are often in lower-income jobs in construction, garment manufacturing, agriculture, restaurants and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s wage-claim process was designed as a faster, no-cost, accessible alternative to the court system. But persistent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955920/california-wage-theft-investigators-staffing-crisis\">understaffing\u003c/a> at the agency contributed to a growing backlog of cases. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2023, the agency took a median processing time of 854 days, or more than two years — six times longer than the maximum allowed by law — according to a 2024 state auditor’s report requested by lawmakers. Thousands of complaints had been pending for five years or more. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the Labor Commissioner’s Office, declined to comment on the lawsuit but said the agency has since cut its intake backlog from 30,000 cases to about 6,000, and lowered overall vacancy rates from 33% to 20%. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The DIR does not comment on pending litigation,” the spokesperson wrote. The Labor Commissioner’s Office recovered $78 million in owed wages last year, about a third more than in 2024, he said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In February, a worker with an unresolved claim, represented by Moss Bollinger LLP, sued the agency over its processing delays. A second worker, represented by Legal Aid at Work, later joined the case. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>State attorneys for the division and Labor Commissioner Lilia García-Brower, who is also named as a defendant, argued the case should be dismissed, saying it is too complicated for a judge to weigh in and that the court would be intruding on the executive branch’s role. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But Alameda County Superior Court Judge Rebekah Evenson disagreed, determining \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/workers-advocates-sue-the-labor-commissioners-office-over-years-long-delays/\">on Sept. 10\u003c/a> that the case can continue. A hearing is expected in the coming months. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This is a good decision from the judge at this early stage in the case that allows the workers to continue to fight for changes,” Campbell said. “It’s not a question of a court telling the labor commissioner how to allocate their budget or how to staff their agency. It’s really just a question of a court requiring the labor commissioner to follow these very clear deadlines in the law.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One of the Californians waiting years for restitution is Ali Jahansir, who estimates an Orange County employer owes him more than $6,000 in overtime pay for frequent 12-hour shifts as a security guard. Jahansir said he was fired after his employer learned he had filed a wage claim with the labor commissioner in 2023. He has yet to receive a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I never thought it would take this long, and, especially at my age, that’s difficult,” said Jahansir, now 76 and a Legal Aid at Work client. “I believe I did the right thing by speaking up to my employer and filing a claim, but having to wait so long makes me worry that I will never see the wages that the company kept from me.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s wage-claim process was designed as a faster, no-cost, accessible alternative to the court system. But persistent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955920/california-wage-theft-investigators-staffing-crisis\">understaffing\u003c/a> at the agency contributed to a growing backlog of cases. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 2023, the agency took a median processing time of 854 days, or more than two years — six times longer than the maximum allowed by law — according to a 2024 state auditor’s report requested by lawmakers. Thousands of complaints had been pending for five years or more. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the Labor Commissioner’s Office, declined to comment on the lawsuit but said the agency has since cut its intake backlog from 30,000 cases to about 6,000, and lowered overall vacancy rates from 33% to 20%. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The DIR does not comment on pending litigation,” the spokesperson wrote. The Labor Commissioner’s Office recovered $78 million in owed wages last year, about a third more than in 2024, he said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In February, a worker with an unresolved claim, represented by Moss Bollinger LLP, sued the agency over its processing delays. A second worker, represented by Legal Aid at Work, later joined the case. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>State attorneys for the division and Labor Commissioner Lilia García-Brower, who is also named as a defendant, argued the case should be dismissed, saying it is too complicated for a judge to weigh in and that the court would be intruding on the executive branch’s role. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But Alameda County Superior Court Judge Rebekah Evenson disagreed, determining \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/workers-advocates-sue-the-labor-commissioners-office-over-years-long-delays/\">on Sept. 10\u003c/a> that the case can continue. A hearing is expected in the coming months. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This is a good decision from the judge at this early stage in the case that allows the workers to continue to fight for changes,” Campbell said. “It’s not a question of a court telling the labor commissioner how to allocate their budget or how to staff their agency. It’s really just a question of a court requiring the labor commissioner to follow these very clear deadlines in the law.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>One of the Californians waiting years for restitution is Ali Jahansir, who estimates an Orange County employer owes him more than $6,000 in overtime pay for frequent 12-hour shifts as a security guard. Jahansir said he was fired after his employer learned he had filed a wage claim with the labor commissioner in 2023. He has yet to receive a hearing.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I never thought it would take this long, and, especially at my age, that’s difficult,” said Jahansir, now 76 and a Legal Aid at Work client. “I believe I did the right thing by speaking up to my employer and filing a claim, but having to wait so long makes me worry that I will never see the wages that the company kept from me.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Labor Commissioner’s Office often takes years to decide workers’ claims of unpaid wages, though the agency said it has made improvements to reduce its backlog.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>A legal challenge seeking to pressure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> to correct long delays in deciding wage-theft claims can move forward, according to a state judge in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>By law, the California Division of Labor Standards Enforcement must resolve worker complaints of underpayment within 135 days, or less than five months. But the agency, also known as the Labor Commissioner’s Office, often takes years to determine whether employers owe any money. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The failure hurts low-income people seeking restitution for wages owed and undermines state efforts to hold employers accountable, said Alexx Campbell, an attorney with Legal Aid at Work in San Francisco, who has seen clients mired in a backlog impacting thousands of Californians. Many workers give up, he added. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We just need the state government as a whole, and that includes the Labor Commissioner’s Office, to come up with solutions to figure out how to provide workers with access to a functional process where they can recover their wages,” Campbell said. “Because right now, that’s not happening.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people holding signs in Spanish, protesting in front of a Burger King restaurant.\" class=\"wp-image-11903335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_7563-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Workers demand a Burger King franchisee pay wages owed to them, on Oct. 25, 2019. The company operating the franchise, Golden Gate Restaurant Group, was cited by the state Labor Commissioner’s Office for multiple violations, including failing to pay workers minimum wage and other violations. (Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Researchers estimate that workers statewide lose $2 billion to $4 billion per year in pay due to employer violations of minimum wage, overtime, meal breaks and other required protections. Those most impacted are often in lower-income jobs in construction, garment manufacturing, agriculture, restaurants and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s wage-claim process was designed as a faster, no-cost, accessible alternative to the court system. But persistent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955920/california-wage-theft-investigators-staffing-crisis\">understaffing\u003c/a> at the agency contributed to a growing backlog of cases. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2023, the agency took a median processing time of 854 days, or more than two years — six times longer than the maximum allowed by law — according to a 2024 state auditor’s report requested by lawmakers. Thousands of complaints had been pending for five years or more. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the Labor Commissioner’s Office, declined to comment on the lawsuit but said the agency has since cut its intake backlog from 30,000 cases to about 6,000, and lowered overall vacancy rates from 33% to 20%. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The DIR does not comment on pending litigation,” the spokesperson wrote. The Labor Commissioner’s Office recovered $78 million in owed wages last year, about a third more than in 2024, he said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In February, a worker with an unresolved claim, represented by Moss Bollinger LLP, sued the agency over its processing delays. A second worker, represented by Legal Aid at Work, later joined the case. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>State attorneys for the division and Labor Commissioner Lilia García-Brower, who is also named as a defendant, argued the case should be dismissed, saying it is too complicated for a judge to weigh in and that the court would be intruding on the executive branch’s role. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But Alameda County Superior Court Judge Rebekah Evenson disagreed, determining \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/workers-advocates-sue-the-labor-commissioners-office-over-years-long-delays/\">on Sept. 10\u003c/a> that the case can continue. A hearing is expected in the coming months. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This is a good decision from the judge at this early stage in the case that allows the workers to continue to fight for changes,” Campbell said. “It’s not a question of a court telling the labor commissioner how to allocate their budget or how to staff their agency. It’s really just a question of a court requiring the labor commissioner to follow these very clear deadlines in the law.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One of the Californians waiting years for restitution is Ali Jahansir, who estimates an Orange County employer owes him more than $6,000 in overtime pay for frequent 12-hour shifts as a security guard. Jahansir said he was fired after his employer learned he had filed a wage claim with the labor commissioner in 2023. He has yet to receive a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I never thought it would take this long, and, especially at my age, that’s difficult,” said Jahansir, now 76 and a Legal Aid at Work client. “I believe I did the right thing by speaking up to my employer and filing a claim, but having to wait so long makes me worry that I will never see the wages that the company kept from me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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